• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.301-310
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• 1998

Background: Cell mediated immune response mediated by interaction between CD4+ T lymphocytes and macrophagies is thought to play an important role in tuberculous pleurisy. This interaction is dependent on the interplay of various cytokines. The immunologic response of tuberculous pleurisy is thought to depend on the balance between helper T cell(Th1) cytokine Interleukin-12, Interferon gamma and Th2 cytokine IL-4, IL-10. To understand immunologic mechanism in tuberculous pleurisy and evaluate diagnostic value of these cytokines, the concentrations of Th1 cytokine IL-12, IFN -$\gamma$ and Th2 cytokine IL-10 were measured in tuberculous pleurisy and malignant pleural effusion group. Material and Methods: The concentrations of IL-10, IL-12 and IFN-$\gamma$ were measured by ELISA method in pleural fluids and serums of 20 patients with tuberculous pleurisy and 20 patients with malignant pleural effusion ADA activities were measured by spetrophotomery in pleural fluids of both groups. Results: In tuberculous pleurisy, the mean concentrations of IL-10, IL-12 and IFN-$\gamma$ of pleural fluids showed $121.3{\pm}83.7$ pg/mL, $571.4{\pm}472.7$ pg/mL and $420.4{\pm}285.9$ pg/mL. These were significantly higher than that of serum, $21.2{\pm}60.9$ pg/mL, 194.5 pg/mL, $30.1{\pm}18.3$ pg/mL respectively(p< 0.01). In malignant pleural effusion, the mean concentrations of IL-10, IL-12 and IFN-$\gamma$ of pleural fluids showed $88.4{\pm}40.4$ pg/mL, $306.5{\pm}271.1$ pg/mL and $30.5{\pm}54.8$ pg/mL respectively. Compared with that of serum ($43.4{\pm}67.2$ pg/mL, $206.8{\pm}160.6$ pg/mL, $14.6{\pm}3.3$ pg/mL), only IL-10 was significantly higher (p<0.001), but IL-12, IFN-$\gamma$ were not significant. In tuberculous pleural effusion compared with malignant pleural effusion, the concentration of IL-12, IFN-$\gamma$, ADA were significantly higher (p=value 0.046, <0.001, <0.001), but IL-10 was not significant. For differential diagnosis of tuberculous pleurisy from malignant pleural effusion, using cut-off value of IL-12, IFN-$\gamma$, ADA as 300 pg/mL. 100 pg/mL, 45 U/L, the sensitivity/specificity were 60%/70%, 90%/87.5%, 85%/90% respectively. Conclusion: In tuberculous pleurisy, IL-10, IL-12 and IFN-$\gamma$ were selectively concentrated highly in pleural space than serum. Compared with malignant pleural effusion, IL-12 and IFN-$\gamma$ were significantly higher, but IL-10 were not in tuberculous pleural effusion. The results suggest that Th1 pathway contributes to immune resistant mechanism in tuberculous pleurisy. IFN-$\gamma$ and ADA revealed useful methods of differential diagnosis in tuberculous pleurisy from malignant pleural effusion.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.243-255
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• 2014

This study was investigated to estimate the relations between benthic environments and benthic polychaetous community from April 2012 to February 2013. Twenty four stations were selected sequentially with Seomjin River Estuary from the northern part of Gwangyang Bay. The study area could be divided into three characteristic zones based on salinity, water temperature, dissolved oxygen and pH such as Saline Water Zone (SWZ), Brackish Water Zone (BWZ), and Fresh Water Zone (FWZ). Salinity was above 30.0 psu in SWZ, drastically decreased toward inland in BWZ, and nearly zero psu in FWZ. SWZ showed its specific environmental characters like that water temperature fluctuated with little seasonal change and DO showed the lowest values among three zones, and pH maintained as consistent value without seasonal fluctuation. In FWZ, on the other hand, water temperature showed high seasonal fluctuation, DO showed the highest values among three zones, and pH fluctuated greatly. In sedimentary environment, mud, sand and sand/gravel were found as dominant sedimentary deposits in SWZ, BWZ and FWZ, respectively. Organic matter content and AVS in surface sediment were high in SWZ, while Chl-a content high in FWZ. This study area showed a marked environmental difference between FWZ and SWZ as follows: FWZ has coarse sediment and low salinity, low organic matter content, low AVS in FWZ but SWZ has fine sediment and high salinity, high organic matter content and AVS. Species number and mean density of benthic polychaete community was highest in Saline Water Zone (SWZ), drastically decreased in Brackish Water Zone (BWZ), and lowest in Fresh Water Zone (FWZ). Dominant polychates above 5.0% of individual numbers were 6 taxa. Lumbrineris longifolia, Prionospio cirrifera, Tharyx sp. occurred as main dominant species of all study periods, and Hediste sp., Praxillella affinis, Tylorrhynchus sp. dominantly occurred at some seasons. Inhabiting areas of dominant species were separated characteristically. Representative species in SWZ were Lumbrineris longifolia, Tharyx sp., Mediomastus sp.. Wide-appearing species between SWZ and BWZ were Prionospio cirrifera, Heteromastus filiformis, Aricidea sp.. Characteristic species in FWZ were Tylorrhynchus sp. and Hediste sp.. As the results of cluster analysis and nMDS based on the species composition of polychaetous community, unique station groups were established in SWZ and FWZ. Stations in BWZ were sub-divided into several groups with season. Pearson's correlation analysis and PCA between benthic environments and ecological characteristics of polychaetous community showed that salinity, sediment composition, organic content and dissolved oxygen played a role to determine the temporal and spatial distribution of the ecological characteristics as species number, mean density, abundance of main species, and ecological indices.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.117-140
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• 2019

As the aging phenomenon accelerates and various social problems related to the elderly of the vulnerable are raised, the need for effective elderly care solutions to protect the health and safety of the elderly generation is growing. Recently, more and more people are using Smart Toys equipped with ICT technology for care for elderly. In particular, log data collected through smart toys is highly valuable to be used as a quantitative and objective indicator in areas such as policy-making and service planning. However, research related to smart toys is limited, such as the development of smart toys and the validation of smart toy effectiveness. In other words, there is a dearth of research to derive insights based on log data collected through smart toys and to use them for decision making. This study will analyze log data collected from smart toy and derive effective insights to improve the quality of life for elderly users. Specifically, the user profiling-based analysis and elicitation of a change in quality of life mechanism based on behavior were performed. First, in the user profiling analysis, two important dimensions of classifying the type of elderly group from five factors of elderly user's living management were derived: 'Routine Activities' and 'Work-out Activities'. Based on the dimensions derived, a hierarchical cluster analysis and K-Means clustering were performed to classify the entire elderly user into three groups. Through a profiling analysis, the demographic characteristics of each group of elderlies and the behavior of using smart toy were identified. Second, stepwise regression was performed in eliciting the mechanism of change in quality of life. The effects of interaction, content usage, and indoor activity have been identified on the improvement of depression and lifestyle for the elderly. In addition, it identified the role of user performance evaluation and satisfaction with smart toy as a parameter that mediated the relationship between usage behavior and quality of life change. Specific mechanisms are as follows. First, the interaction between smart toy and elderly was found to have an effect of improving the depression by mediating attitudes to smart toy. The 'Satisfaction toward Smart Toy,' a variable that affects the improvement of the elderly's depression, changes how users evaluate smart toy performance. At this time, it has been identified that it is the interaction with smart toy that has a positive effect on smart toy These results can be interpreted as an elderly with a desire to meet emotional stability interact actively with smart toy, and a positive assessment of smart toy, greatly appreciating the effectiveness of smart toy. Second, the content usage has been confirmed to have a direct effect on improving lifestyle without going through other variables. Elderly who use a lot of the content provided by smart toy have improved their lifestyle. However, this effect has occurred regardless of the attitude the user has toward smart toy. Third, log data show that a high degree of indoor activity improves both the lifestyle and depression of the elderly. The more indoor activity, the better the lifestyle of the elderly, and these effects occur regardless of the user's attitude toward smart toy. In addition, elderly with a high degree of indoor activity are satisfied with smart toys, which cause improvement in the elderly's depression. However, it can be interpreted that elderly who prefer outdoor activities than indoor activities, or those who are less active due to health problems, are hard to satisfied with smart toys, and are not able to get the effects of improving depression. In summary, based on the activities of the elderly, three groups of elderly were identified and the important characteristics of each type were identified. In addition, this study sought to identify the mechanism by which the behavior of the elderly on smart toy affects the lives of the actual elderly, and to derive user needs and insights.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.371-405
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• 2004

International circulation of cultural assets involves numerous countries thereby making an approach based on international law essential to resolving this problem. Since the end of the $2^{nd}$ World War, as the value of cultural assets evolved from material value to moral and ethical values, with emphasis on establishing national identities, newly independent nations and former colonial states took issue with ownership of cultural assets which led to the need for international cooperation and statutory provisions for the return of cultural assets. UNESCO's 1954 "Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict" as preparatory measures for the protection of cultural assets, the 1970 "Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property" to regulate transfer of cultural assets, and the 1995 "Unidroit Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects" which required the return of illegally acquired cultural property are examples of international agreements established on illegal transfers of cultural assets. In addition, the UN agency UNESCO established the Division of Cultural Heritage to oversee cultural assets related matters, and the UN since its 1973 resolution 3187, has continued to demonstrate interest in protection of cultural assets. The resolution 3187 affirms the return of cultural assets to the country of origin, advises on preventing illegal transfers of works of art and cultural assets, advises cataloguing cultural assets within the respective countries and, conclusively, recommends becoming a member of UNESCO, composing a forum for international cooperation. Differences in defining cultural assets pose a limitation on international agreements. While the 1954 Convention states that cultural assets are not limited to movable property and includes immovable property, the 1970 Convention's objective of 'Prohibiting and preventing the illicit import, export and transfer of ownership of cultural property' effectively limits the subject to tangible movable cultural property. The 1995 Convention also has tangible movable cultural property as its subject. On this point, the two conventions demonstrate distinction from the 1954 Convention and the 1972 Convention that focuses on immovable cultural property and natural property. The disparity in defining cultural property is due to the object and purpose of the convention and does not reflect an inherent divergence. In the case of Korea, beginning with the 1866 French invasion, 36 years of Japanese colonial rule, military rule and period of economic development caused outflow of numerous cultural assets to foreign countries. Of course, it is neither possible nor necessary to have all of these cultural properties returned, but among those that have significant value in establishing cultural and historical identity or those that have been taken symbolically as a demonstration of occupational rule can cause issues in their return. In these cases, the 1954 Convention and the ratification of the first legislation must be actively considered. In the return of cultural property, if the illicit acquisition is the core issue, it is a simple matter of following the international accords, while if it rises to the level of diplomatic discussions, it will become a political issue. In that case, the country requesting the return must convince the counterpart country. Realizing a response to the earnest need for preventing illicit trading of cultural assets will require extensive national and civic societal efforts in the East Asian area to overcome its current deficiencies. The most effective way to prevent illicit trading of cultural property is rapid circulation of information between Interpol member countries, which will require development of an internet based communication system as well as more effective deployment of legislation to prevent trading of illicitly acquired cultural property, subscription to international conventions and cataloguing collections.

• The Journal of Engineering Geology
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.51-68
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• 2019

This study performs to evaluate adaptability of seashore filtering type seawater-intake which adapts dua1 filter well alternative for direct seawater-intake. This study varies filter condition of seashore free surface aquifer which is composed of sand layer then installs real size dual filter well and single filter well to evaluate water permeability and proper pumping amount according to filter condition. According to result of step aquifer test, it is analysed that 110.3% synergy effect of water permeability coefficient is happened compare to single filter since dual filter well has better improvement. dual filter has higher water permeability coefficient compare to same pumping amount, this means dual filter has more improved water permeability than single filter. According to analysis result of continuous aquifer test, it is evaluated that dual filter well (SD1200) has higher water permeability than single filter well (SS800) by analysis of water permeability coefficient using monitoring well and gauging well, it is also analysed dual filter has 110.7% synergy effect of water permeability coefficient. As a evaluation result of pumping amount according to analysis of water level dropping rate, it is analysed that dual filter well increased 122.8% pumping amount compare to single filter well when water level dropping is 2.0 m. As a result of calculating proper pumping amount using water level dropping rate, it is analysed that dual filter well shows 136.0% higher pumping amount compare to single filter well. It is evaluated that proper pumping amount has 122.8~160% improvement compare to single filter, pumping amount improvement rate is 139.6% compare to averaged single filter. In other words, about 40% water intake efficiency can be improved by just installation of dual filter compare to normal well. Proper pumping amount of dual filter well using inflection point is 2843.3 L/min and it is evaluated that daily seawater intake amount is about $4,100m^3/day$ (${\fallingdotseq}4094.3m^3/day$) in one hole of dual filter well. Since it is possible to intake plenty of water in one hole, higher adaptability is anticipated. In case of intaking seawater using dual filter well, no worries regarding damages on facilities caused by natural disaster such as severe weather or typhoon, improvement of pollution is anticipated due to seashore sand layer acts like filter. Therefore, It can be alternative of environmental issue for existing seawater intake technique, can save maintenance expenses related to installation fee or damages and has excellent adaptability in economic aspect. The result of this study will be utilized as a basic data of site demonstration test for adaptation of riverside filtered water of upcoming dual filter well and this study is also anticipated to present standard of well design and construction related to riverside filter and seashore filter technique.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.393-424
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• 2017

This study investigates the relationship between South Korean youths' Confucian values and sense of citizen ethics while presenting outlook on the sense of citizen ethics based on the theory of human nature. The purpose of this study, by doing so, is to present educational measures. For this purpose, empirical research method was applied in this study. In the empirical study, youths were surveyed and the answers were statistically analyzed and discussed with a view to achieve the study purpose. In the empirical research part of the study, Korean youths' awareness on Confucian values was examined along with its relationship with the sense of citizen ethics. The effect of Confucian values on sense of citizen ethics and their relationship were analyzed to evaluate the receptivity of youths on Confucian ideas and usefulness of sense of citizen ethics. This study investigated a total of final 311 sets of data from male and female students at middle and high schools located in Seoul, Gyeonggi, South Korea. First, to identify the youths' Confucian values and level of sense of citizen ethics, descriptive statistical analysis was conducted. As a result, the survey subjects were found to have, concerning the Confucian values, world view M=3.54, human relations view M=3.66, morality cultivation M=3.76, and social order M=3.45, higher than 3.0 to represent positive levels. The morality cultivation, in particular, was recorded the highest among all whereas the social order was relatively lower, which represents the degree of relying on Confucian values to establish social order. Second, the sub-variables of Confucian values were verified according to the personal characteristics of the surveyed youths and differences in their entire perception was investigated. As a result, according to gender, morality cultivation was found higher in female students (M=3.85) than in male students (M=3.64). According to the subjective economic level of their household, world view was found higher in upper class (M=3.98) than middle-low class (M=3.25) and low class (M=3.22) while human relations view was found higher in middle-upper class (M=3.79) than low class (M=3.46). As for the family type, morality cultivation was found higher in extended family (M=3.83) than nuclear family (M=3.62); and social order was higher in extended family (M=3.54) than nuclear family (M=3.36). Third, to verify the study theme of identifying the effects of youths' Confucian values on sense of citizen morality, hierarchical regression analysis was employed in this study, which used the multi-level model of multiple regression analysis. As a result, the Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with the entire sense of citizen ethics in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.499$), world view(${\beta}=.412$), social order(${\beta}=.341$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.241$). Confucian value showed significant positive (+) correlations with autonomy in order of morality cultivation(${\beta}=.458$), human relations view(${\beta}=.454$), social order(${\beta}=.362$), and world view(${\beta}=.158$). Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with community spirit in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.295$), social order(${\beta}=.281$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.232$). As shown in the findings above, youths' Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) effects on the sense of citizen ethics. It is noted that the higher the Confucian values, the more positive the sense of citizen ethics would be. Consequentially, the Confucian values was identified to play an important role in the sense of citizen ethics in the modern society. Based on this analysis, this study presented specific measures - the necessity and possibility of education on sense of citizen ethics under the theory of human nature. To this end, this study proposed to find an optimal interface between the contemporary sense of citizen ethics and Confucian ethics through the respect for human life and nature, man of virtue as the ideal human model, and united society as a desirable society model.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.10-39
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• 2023

Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.99-148
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• 2022

This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.