• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.9-41
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• 2020

Park Jong-won's debut film "Guro Arirang," based on a short story of the same title by Lee Moon-yeol, is the first commercial film to deal with labor struggles from a worker's point of view in the wake of the 1987 democratic movement, and a pioneering work in terms of representing female workers the Korean cinema has traditionally turned away from. In this film Park Jong-won tried to win the sympathy of the middle class for labor movement in spite of the red scare which still stood firm in the Korean society at that time. To convey its progressive message in a form acceptable to the middle class public, the film portrays labor issues in the light of universal humanity and ethics, not in terms of class hostility or struggle. Park Jong-won calls this point of view "common sense of normal people" and emphasizes its universality and objectivity. This study critically examines the cinematic strategies to deal with labor issues in a form acceptable to the public in a conventional and commercial film and the ideological implications of the "common sense of normal people" reflected in such strategies. The first chapter of the study reveals that the film destroys the irony of the original story and reduces the complex constellation of the characters to the conflict between pure good and evil, creating a melodramatic composition in which the good falls victim to evil. The tragedies suffered by the workers in the film are of course intended to arouse the audience's strong sympathy and solidarity with them. The second chapter shows that the film's various scenes and episodes converge on the them of compassion and grief, and are mostly based on cultural and real experiences and events that caused great public sensations at that time. Especially in the last decisive scene of the movie, the memory of the June 1987 uprising is strongly recalled. So "Guro Arirang" can be seen as a patchwork of proven cases of compassion and grief. The third chapter examines the implications of the scene where the workers turn back demands for wages and put the issues of human treatment and trust to the forefront at the crucial moment of their struggle. It appeals to universal moral values and sentiments that everyone has to acknowledge and removes the political dimension from the workers' campaign. While the film tends to become a pure story of humanity marginalizing irreconcilable conflicts of class interest, the workers fall to the position of passive victims who can be deeply sympathetic on the one hand, and on the other, are idealized as leaders with noble attitude keeping themselves aloof from the hard reality. As a result, the movie loses its realistic ground and weakens its narrative probability. The scenes reminiscent of the 1987 uprising which evoke the solidarity between working and middle class fail to integrate harmoniously into the whole story of the film and remain only as fragmentary parts of the patchwork of compassion and grief.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.175-209
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• 2020

This paper examines how the cinematic representation of the Japanese military "comfort women" stimulates 'imagination' in the realm of everyday life and in the memory of the masses, creating a common awareness and affect. The history of the Japanese military "comfort women" was hidden for a long time, and it was not until the 1990s that it entered the field of public recognition. Such a transition can be attributed to the external and internal chronopolitics that made possible the testimony of the victims and the discourse of the "comfort women" issue. It shows the peculiar status of the comfort women history as 'politics of time'. In the same vein, the cinematic representations of the Japanese military "comfort women" can be found in similar chronopolitics. The 'comfort women' films have shown the dual time frame of the continuity and discontinuity of the 'silence'. In Korean film history, the chronotope of the reproduction of "comfort women" can be divided into four phases: 1) the fictional representations of "comfort women" before the 1990s 2) documentaries in the late 1990s as the work of testimony and history writing, 3) melodramatic transformation in the feature films in the 2000s, and 4) the diffusion of media and categories. The purpose of this article is to focus on the first phase and the third phase in which the issue of 'comfort women' is represented in the category of popular fiction films. While the "comfort women" representations before 1990 were strictly adhering to the framework of commercial movies and pursued the sexual exploitation of "comfort women" history, the recent films since the 2000s are experimenting with various attempts in the style of popular imagination. Especially, the emergence of 'comfort women' feature films in the 2000s, such as Spirit's Homecoming, I Can Speak, and Herstory, raise various questions as to whether we are "properly" aware of issues and how to remember and present the "cultural memory" of comfort women. Also, focusing on the cinematic representation strategies of the 2000s "comfort women", this article discusses the popular politics of melodrama, the representation of victims and violence, and the feature of 'comfort women' as meta-memory. As a melodramatic imagination and meta-memory for the historical trauma, the "comfort women" drama shows the historical, political, and aesthetic gateways to which the "comfort women" problem must pass. As we have seen in recent fiction films, the issue of "comfort women" goes beyond transnational relations between Korea and Japan; it demands a postcolonial task to dismantle the old colonial structure and explores a transnational project in which women's movements and human rights movements are linked internationally.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.35-54
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• 2021

This study examines the characteristics of CBS's Kim Hyun-Jung's News Show(hearafter News Show) and the change to transmedia. The distinguishing characteristics of News Show compared to radio-based current affairs programs are as follows. First, despite its time limit, it adopts the form of investigative reports or investigative documentaries to uncover the truth of the events through 'Detective Son Su-Ho', etc. Second, News show's interviews have avoided biased stance in the reporting of minority issues by interviewing the affected parties anonymously including people involved in incidents and accidents, bereaved families, and other victims. News Show has been producing a transmedia content called 'That Honey Show' (a show that reads comments as fun as honey) since November 2018. 'That Honey Show' is broadcast in real time on YouTube right after the News Show radio broadcast ends. As a form of spin-off content, 'That Honey Show' breaks down the boundaries among staff, MCs, and guests, as well as shifting roles by using 'vice characters'. The female host, Kim conducts interviews with the main characters related to various issues and extends the fixed identity of current affairs shows to the everyday politics and cultural realms. Thus she draws active participation and responses audience. This paper analyzes two representative broadcast cases of 'That Honey Show'-first, the case of resistance and activity of the BTS fandom ARMY in the US presidential election, and, second, the case of reporting on the Nth room incident. This analysis considers the critical participation of digital citizens and the effect of fostering a sense of community in the current affairs show in the transmedia era.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.71-80
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• 1998

This study examines the levels of carbohydrate antigen 19-9(CA19-9) and cancer antigen 125(CA125) in serum and its related factors in healthy Korean population. Although CA19-9 and CA125 have been widely used tumor markers for gastroenteric cancers and ovarian cancer in Western countries, there are no information available on the serum levels of CA19-9 and CA125 in healthy population and the factors affecting the levels of these tumor markers in Korea. A cross-sectional study was performed to measure CA19-9 and CA125 among 76 healthy males and 95 healthy females in Korea. CA19-9 and CA125 were quantitated using solid-phase radioimmunoassay kits. Informations on the factors which might be related to the levels of these markers were collected by questionnaire(e.g., smoking, alcohol consumption, menstruation, oral pill use, breast-feeding history, etc.). There was no statistically significant difference in the mean of CA19-9 concentration between men(10.4 u/ml) and women(10.1 u/ml), whereas the mean of CA125 levels(11.2 u/ml) was higher in women than that(2.5 u/ml) in men. Although there was a statistically significant association between CA19-9 and average number of cigarette consumed per day(r=0.59, p=0.026) and total number of cigarettes consumed in women(r=0.74, p=0.003), the significance disappeared by multiple regression analysis after adjusting age and body mass index. Later age of menopause(p=0.035) and longer duration of breast-feeding(p=0.050) were significant predictors for CA125 levels in women by multiple regression analysis after adjusting age and body mass index. In conclusion, CA19-9 can be used as a stable tumor marker in clinical practices, however, menstruation and breast-feeding should be considered when CA125 is used in women.