• Title/Summary/Keyword: 언론권력

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Taking all the Glory of Regional News Media by Seoul-based ones: A YouTube Interview Reporting Case of TV Maeil Shimnum (네트워크 미디어 유튜브에 나타난 서울중심 언론의 지역 언론 콘텐츠 전재: TV매일신문의 원희룡부인 인터뷰 사례 분석)

  • Park, Han Woo;Yoon, Ho Young
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.22 no.6
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    • pp.135-144
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    • 2022
  • This study explores that how the logic of network power in the existing digital content distribution structure works against local media. The limitless citation of local media content, in particular, is becoming more common in order to profit from network traffic while not giving appropriate remuneration for local media content. This study tried to demonstrate how network media dominance alienates local media material by using YouTube network analysis of TV Maile Shinmun. According to the research result, it was found that major news media tends to take profits from the local media interview by not properly indicating the source video, or reporting the core content of the local media interview, making it unnecessary to look for the original video source. Despite the viewpoint that the digital environment presents opportunities for local media, the current network logic would not benefit local media, which calls for the need that the digital content distribution strategy of local media develops a new order such as NFT, one of blockchain-based monetary system.h the help of information technology.

Politics through Academic Career or Academic Career for Politics Focused on the current status and conditions of Media scholars' political participation (지식을 통한 정치 혹은 정치를 위한 지식 언론학자의 정치 참여 현황과 특징 연구)

  • Kim, Sung Hae;Seo, Bo Yun;Jin, Min Jung;Kang, Kuk Jin
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.79
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    • pp.7-39
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    • 2016
  • Journalism and Mass Communication as an academic field is believed more politicized one than pure literature and natural science. With the growth of the media, there follows additional opportunities for media scholars to take a part in politics as well. Few attention was given to understand the status and mechanism of political intervention either as advisers or decision makers though. This study attempts thus to fill this vacuum. For this, first of all, it examines a various types of laws related to media politics. Total number of 164 scholars who participated in 12 councils and commissions were analyzed on the following step. Research shows that there are patterns which favor Seoul National University, U.S. trained Ph. D and geographic preference to the capital. Neither academic excellence nor commitment to public interest appear to have impact on taking those positions. Taking into account media's expansion into politics, it is inevitable for media scholars to take responsibility not only in policy making but in taking leadership. Accordingly, the question of necessity is not who but how as much as manner. The authors hope this study will be a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in media politics.

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Power Shift and Media Empowerment (언론의 정치권력화 - 재벌 정책 보도의 정권별 비교 연구)

  • Kim, Dong-Yule
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.45
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    • pp.296-340
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    • 2009
  • The power of media has always been problematic in the countries of full press freedom. Originally, the media used to be an effective vehicle for communication within human beings. However, it exerts an overwhelming power toward human society. Through applying the well-known four dog models in terms of media function, this study attempts to examine how the press media in South Korea transformed themselves into another powerful independent organization or institution after regime shift in 1987. The whole editorials of four sampled newspapers were analyzed through frame analysis model. The ChosunIlbo, known as a conservative and pro-government paper, shows to take the role of supporting chaebol policies under Roh TaeWoo Administration. However, it criticizing sharply against the chaebol policies of Roh MooHyun Administration. The JoongangIlbo, known as a pro-chaebol paper, appears anti-government position through the entire four administrations in terms of chaebol policies. Particularly, it reveals hostile editorial coverage during the Roh MooHyun Administration. However, KyunghyangShinmun, currently known as a liberal paper, viewed somewhat complicated positions (see text in more detail) because of its ownership turbulence during the past twenty years. On the other hand, Hangyoreh, regarded as a progressive paper, keeps in supportive attitude consistently against the four sampled administrations as far as regulating each government policies for chaebols.

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The Juncture and Disjuncture of Journalism History and Journalism Philosophy Focusing on Liberalist Philosophy on Journalism (언론사: 역사와 철학의 만남과 어긋남 자유주의 언론철학을 중심으로)

  • Moon, Jong-Dae
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.73
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    • pp.35-55
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    • 2015
  • Act of journalism is act of social practice. Therefore, judgment on its rightness must be a prerequisite. That is why journalism requires philosophy. Barrenness of journalism philosophy promotes journalism to serve only as an instrument. No power and money should intrude the essential philosophy of journalism. Journalism must secure its own value. Remaining silent when its fundamental value is at risk is to negate one's own value of existence. It is self-denial. Social practice of journalism is assurance and realization of its essential value. Thus, it is historical. It is the juncture of journalism and history. Journalism without history leads to barrenness in philosophy. Without philosophy, journalism thus cannot uphold its historical mission. Journalism philosophy becomes a reality through the history. Concrete journalism philosophy shall come to light through historical reality. That is why conversation between journalism philosophy and journalism history is necessary. Thus, this research investigates how journalism philosophy formulates and reconstructs itself within journalism history. At the same time, this research thoroughly examines how journalism philosophy concretizes in journalism history, how historical subjects have practiced journalism and how all these have projected themselves in journalism history.

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An Analysis on the Networking of Local Newspaper Industry (지방신문사의 네트워킹 형성에 관한 분석 연구)

  • Chung, Sang-Yune
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.19
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    • pp.239-264
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    • 2002
  • The networking between the press and elites, and its impact on journalistic activities in fact have been major subjects of scholarly scrutiny particularly among students of elite theory and class theory. This is an empirical analysis of how the press establishes networks with several powers in local community. This study basically examines a set of independent variables, such as the nature of capital and history of local newspapers and explores how the management and elites in the press utilize several social resources and establish networks. Major findings of this study are as follows: To begin with, the networking between local newspapers and elites showes significant differences according to the nature of capital and history of the newspaper. In other words, while the newspapers operated by stock capital revealed high degree of networking with political and financial elites, the newspapers operated by family capital did not demonstrate significant level of networking with particular elites. The shorter the history of newspaper is, the more she tends to be dependent on resources, and feel it imperative to establish strong networks with elites.

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A Critical Analysis of and Its Implications ("나꼼수현상"이 그려내는 문화정치의 명암: 권력-대항적인 정치시사콘텐츠의 함의를 맥락화하기)

  • Lee, Kee-Hyeung;Lee, Young-Joo;Hwang, Kyong-Ah;Chae, Zi-Yeon;Cheon, Hye-Young;Kwon, Sook-Young
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.58
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    • pp.74-105
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    • 2012
  • $I$ $am$ $a$ $Weasel$ > is a radically different communicative form in several ways. It innovatively utilizes podcast, a kind of internet radio format while dealing actively with thorny political issues and scandals in much direct and challenging fashion. Also this program adopts politically-charged parody, sharp critique of current socio-political issues, as well as lively dialogues through which the program provides both acute political awareness and entertainment. As a new kind of talk show and an alternative media form, this program has gained much popularity and attention since its appearance. Considering the fact that the journalistic fields and public spheres are in disarray through the government intervention and wrought with fierce partisanship and political polarization, the role of this program needs to be examined both cautiously and contextually. This study aims to shed some lights on the multifaceted and much contentious role of $I$ $am$ $a$ $Weasel$ > through a textual reading and discourse analysis, as well as email interviews.

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Understanding the Watchdog Concept in South Korea: Focused on the Media as Watchdog (언론의 파수견 개념의 발전과 적용: 한국 판례분석을 중심으로)

  • Lee, Jae-Jin
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.41
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    • pp.108-144
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    • 2008
  • This study examines how the watchdog concert in journalism field has been created and develope4 Related studies found that the watchdog is related not so muck with free press theory as with a privilege awarded to the press because the press serves for the public interests. It was found that in the U.S., the watchdog concept was derived from the a lot of libel cases in the late 1890s. At the time, the newspaper owners and editors continuously claimed the very protection over vulnerability of newspaper's collecting, reporting, and printing news. While, in Korea, the concept of watchdog emerged in the late 1990s after the establishment of the Constitution Court. Even though the watchdog concert was accepted very late by the Korean courts, it is believed to be a kind of special privilege to prevent the press from being recklessly regulated in libel cases. Rather, the Korean courts expand the extent of the role of the press as a watchdog by deciding that not only the public officials and politicians but also other socially influential public figures could be included in the criticism from the press. However, how these court decisions can be practically implemented depends upon how the court apply the probability of the press to believe the news true and intention of malice in writing and publishing the stories.

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An Case-Study on the Constructing Process of Power in Cyberspace (가상공간에서의 권력형성과정에 대한 사례 연구)

  • Lee, Oh-Hyeon
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.23
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    • pp.79-112
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    • 2003
  • The purpose of this study is to explore the way that power in cyberspace is constructed and work and the factors that contribute to forming the power by analyzing a bulletin board system(BBS) on an everyday drama, "Can't Take My Eye Off You"(MBC). Research findings are as follows. The participants in the BBS produce various discourses and constantly compete with each other. In the process, the participants who produce a dominant discourse in quantity tend to exclude other discourses from the BBS and the participants who produce the minority discourses sometimes resist the dominant discourse but tend to refrain from expressing the minority discourses. These tendencies have intensified, and eventually the dominant discourse overwhelmingly powers over the BBS at the end of it. The dominant discourse in the BBS is confucian patriarchal one and this is primarily due to the characteristic of the BBS as the fandom of the drama, the participants' experience and dominant culture in their embodied social world, and the authorship of the drama.

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The Political Economy of Cross Ownership of Newspaper and Broadcasting (미디어 교차소유의 정치경제학적 비판)

  • Kim, Seung-Soo
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.45
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    • pp.113-150
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    • 2009
  • Attempts to relax cross-media ownership have been made by conservative Party and leading dailies. A concern with the cross-ownership of media is predominant in media and political spheres. This article is about the media market concentration created by cross-media ownership. This essay is a response to the demand of the ruling camp that attempts to concentrate on media market, and to increase their influence. I have outlined issues of cross ownership. The finding of this research supported the rationale of ban on cross ownership of newspaper and broadcasting outlet.

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A Crisis in Public Broadcasting of South Korea A Perspective from the Case of the So-called "Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation" at MBC with a Focus on the Press Control by Political Power (MBC '백종문 녹취록' 사건으로 본 공영방송의 위기 정치권력의 언론 통제 기제를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Sang Gyoon
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.81
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    • pp.189-224
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    • 2017
  • The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

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