• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.49
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• pp.53-92
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• 2024

The abbot of Gobulseonwon Monastery (古佛禪院) in Chungju has disclosed his monastery's possession of materials such as an allegedly handwritten copy of Daesoon Jeongyeong (The Canonical Scripture of the Great Itineration) and Cheonsimgyeong (The Scripture of the Heavenly Mind), gasa (Lyric) collection books, and old letters, and subsequently, investigative research reports and monographs were also published. According to Gobulseonwon Monastery, their copy of Daesoon Jeongyeong was reported to have been written in 1910. In addition, they consider their copies of Cheonsimgyeong, gasa collection books, and old letters to be closely related to Jeungsan (甑山), with the possibility that their copy of Cheonsimgyeong was directly written by Jeungsan. For context, the object of faith in the gasa collection books is Jeungsan, and the old letters describe situation that were contemporary during Jeungsan's time. However, the gasa collection book, To be Learned with True Spirit, is a collection of nearly 20 songs that encourage enlightenment, and Cheonsimgyeong is likely to have come from the Jeondoju (Transmitted Dao-Incantations) used in ritual practices, rather than having been handwritten by Jeungsan. The 36 examples of old letters contain ordinary events in daily life. As such, these materials are not specifically related to Jeungsan. The copy of Daesoon Jeongyeong kept by the monastery was transcribed by Lee Yang-Seop, who resided in Jangseong, Jeonnam, in 1957, and it is significant as it includes various religious gasa such as Chaeyakga and Jeseshinyakga. The materials of unknown origin are especially worthy of attention. The materials preserved in Gobulseonwon Monastery are valuable materials related to various Korean new religions such as Gyeongjeongyudo and various Jeungsan-inspired religions. It is necessary to find the true nature of these materials, and this line of research will contribute to the study of Korean new religions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.50
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• pp.349-382
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• 2018

China is a great civilization which is a combination of various ethnic groups with long history change. As one of these important components of traditional culture, the lucky shape has been going through the ideological upheaval of the history change of China. Up to now, it has become the important parts which can stimulate the emotion of Chinese nation. The lucky shape becomes the basis of the rich traditional culture by long history of the Chinese nation. Even say it is the centre of this traditional culture resource. The lucky shape is a way of expressing the Chinese history and national emotions. It is the important part of people's living habits, emotion, as well as the cultural background. What's more, it has the value of beliefs of Surname totem. Meanwhile, it also has the function of passing on information. The symbol of information finally was created by the being of lucky shape to indicate its conceptual content. There are various kinds of lucky shapes. It will have its limitations when researching all kinds of them professionally. So, here the lucky shape of FISH will be researched. The shape of fish is the first good shape created by the Chinese nation. It is about 6000 years. Its special shape and lucky meaning embody the peculiar inherent culture and intension of the Chinese nation. It's the important component of the Chinese traditional culture. The traditional shape of fish was focused on the continuation of history and the patterns recognition, etc. It seldom indicated the meaning of the shape into the using of the modern design. So by searching the lucky meaning & the way of fish shape, the purpose of the search is to explore the real analysis of value of the fish shape in the modern enterprise identity design. The way of search is through the development of the history, the evolvement and the meaning of lucky of the traditional fish shape to analyse the symbolic meaning and the cultural meaning from all levels in nation, culture, art and life, etc. And by using the huge living example of the enterprise identity design of the traditional shape of the fish to analyse that how it works in positive way by those enterprise which is based on the trust with good image. In the modern Chinese enterprise identity design, the lucky image will be reinterpreted in the modern way. It will be proofed by the national perceptual knowledge of the consumer and the way of enlarge the goodwill of corporate image. It will be the conclusion. The traditional fish shape is the important core of modern design.So this search is taken through the instance of the design of enterprise image of the traditional fish shape to analysis the idea of the majority Chinese people of the traditional luck and the influence of corporation which based on trust and credibility. In modern image design of Chinese corporation, the auspicious sign reappear. The question survey is taken by people through the perceptual knowledge of the consumer and the cognition the enterprise image. According the result, people can speculate the improvement of consumer's recognition and the possibility of development of traditional concept.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.153-182
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• 2021

The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.