• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
• /
• 2020.07a
• /
• pp.169-170
• /
• 2020

본 연구는 코로나19 상황에서 대한민국 긴급재난지원금의 모습을 주요 신문사 뉴스 기사들을 통해 분석하고 그 결과를 제시하고자 한다. 분석대상은 2020년 3월 22일부터(긴급재난지원금 첫 보도) 5월 31일까지, 중앙일간지(11개 신문사)의 '긴급재난지원금' 관련 신문기사들이다. 신문기사 분석방법론은 관련 연구주제가 선행연구가 축적되지 않는 상황에서 나름 가치 있는 연구접근법이다. 본 연구에서는 뉴스기사 빅데이터 분석 서비스인 빅카인즈를 활용하여, 관련기사의 뉴스 트렌드, 연관어, 관계도 등을 분석하여 제시하였다. 본 연구는 향후 해당 분석대상을 가지고, 보다 밀도 있고 깊이 있는 언어네트워크(의미망) 분석으로 확장해 나갈 계획이다.

• Archives of design research
• /
• v.18 no.4 s.62
• /
• pp.205-214
• /
• 2005

The purpose of this study is to find an efficient marketing strategy in terms of media channel communications using one specific case study. Results of previous studies have shown that consumers' exposure to TV, newspaper, radio and magazine related to description of corporate image tends to be influential for consumers' product image, which mainly consists of product preference, expertise, and credibility. It means that media strategy should be different, depending on what kinds of image they try to be purposive. In conclusion, we concluded that TV and radio should be the best vehicle for increasing consumers' positive preference rather than those of newspaper and magazine. Newspaper and magazine are also influential in terms of expertise, and newspaper and magazine should be better than TV and radio in terms of credibility. The results of this study should be similar to previous studies in that TV and radio should be more inducing interest, and print media should be more credible than TV and radio.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
• /
• v.25 no.12
• /
• pp.101-107
• /
• 2020

This paper aims to compare and analyze the major keywords according to the political orientation of progressive and conservative newspapers by utilizing the big data of the four major domestic daily newspapers related to COVID-19, which has entered a long-term war. To this end, 93,917 news reports from Jan. 20 to Sept. 15, 2020 were divided into four stages and the major keywords of the four newspapers were implemented and analyzed in WordCloud. According to the analysis, the conservative newspaper focused on the government's response, criticism, and China's responsibility by mentioning the keywords "government," "president," "state of affairs" and "mask" more than the progressive newspaper, while the progressive newspaper uses keywords that emphasize the seriousness of the disease and the occurrence of a dangerous situation. The Chosun Ilbo found that the use of various keywords during the massive outbreak of collective infections (2.18-5.15), and that the JoongAng Ilbo used keywords criticizing government policies in relation to reports of infectious diseases such as COVID-19, but also used keywords that emphasize the seriousness of diseases used by progressive newspapers and the occurrence of dangerous situations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.82
• /
• pp.29-72
• /
• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
• /
• v.49 no.4
• /
• pp.219-236
• /
• 2018

This study investigated the image of library in our society by analyzing newspaper articles related to libraries. A total of 3065 newspaper articles reported in Kyunghyang, Hankyoreh, Chosun, and Joongang from 2000 to 2017 were analyzed using time series analysis. The results of the time series analysis showed the number of newspaper articles related to library declined to a peak in 2009. Also, there were differences in the content of newspaper articles by year except for those content related to books. There were many articles about 'information' and 'use' in early 2000, about 'library operation and opening', 'culture' from 2006, and about 'residents of the area', 'culture' after 2012. These content of newspaper articles may reflects the image of library in our society. Finally, this study dis cussed practical ways of public library promotion.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.12
• /
• pp.421-431
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the trends of 'traditional' terminology in Korea. We focus on an empirical investigation of how media reports are conveying 'tradition' terminology in our society by applying text mining and social network analysis techniques. The analysis covered 2,481,143 news articles related to 'tradition' terminology that appeared in the media since the 1920's. In this research, frequency analysis, association analysis and social network analysis were used on articles related to 'tradition' terminology from 1920 to 2017 by decade. By applying these data science techniques, we can grasp the meaning of social culture phenomenon related 'tradition' with objective and value-neutral position and understand the social symbolism which contains the tradition of the times.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.28
• /
• pp.219-249
• /
• 2005

This study analyzes the historical cases of audience's boycott movement to the Korean newspapers in the mid-1920s. five historical cases from 1924 till 1927 were analyzed in this study. These cases have a few differences in comparison with the cases of the early 1920s. Firstly, the boycott movement was activated considerably, and the target of movement was diversified. The number of cases in early 1920s was only two, and the target of both cases were The Dong-A Ilbo. But we could confirm at least 7 cases in mid 1920s through this study. In addition to The Dong-A Ilbo, the target included The Chosun Ilbo, and The Namsun Ilbo published in Masan. The location of the movement was not restricted to Seoul. It was also executed at the small cities and rural areas, such as Masan, Jinnampo, Bugang. Ihe analysis of the context of the boycott reveals that most cases wert caused mainly by the conflict of interest between parties. Some parties that dissatisfied with the coverage of a newspaper resolved and executed the boycott to that newspaper.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.35
• /
• pp.329-361
• /
• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.19 no.12
• /
• pp.11-20
• /
• 2021

This study extracts topics related to university education through newspaper articles and analyzes the characteristics of each topic and the reporting patterns of each newspaper. The 9 topics were discovered using LDA. Topic 1 and Topic 3 are related to university support projects for education, but Topic 3 is focused on local universities. Topic 2 is about university education after COVID-19, Topic 4 teaching-learning methods, Topic 5 government policies, Topic 6 the high school education contribution university support projects, Topic 7 the university education vision, Topic 8 internationalization, and Topic 9 the entrance exam. The Chosun Ilbo, Kyunghyang, and Hankyoreh reported a lot of articles associated to lectures after COVID-19, government policies, and comments on university education. Relevant articles since 2016 have been analyzed by newspaper type and before/after COVID-19 through which differences in the topics were studied and discussed. These findings would suggest a basic policy guideline for university education and imply that the positive and negative effects of the media need to be considered.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.16
• /
• pp.136-167
• /
• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.