• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.95-133
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• 2018

Since the beginning of the millennium, 'Maker Movement' has been active throughout the world. Today, there is a maker fair every year in major cities of the world including Seoul, and the number of attendees is increasing day by day, so it can be seen as a kind of maker 'phenomenon'. The positive implication of the maker's movement is that it attempts to break down the monopoly of manufacturing and to restore the rights and capabilities of citizens as makers. Today, highly developed industrial capitalism has a tendency to structurally paralyse citizens, to tie their hands and feet, and to degenerate into consuming entities only. Therefore, it can be said that the maker movement has structural tensions in the relationship of neoliberal manufacturing culture. This study is an attempt to actively interpret the maker movement in terms of "critical making". The maker movement can trace its origins to "counterculture" and "new communalism" that emerged in the United States in the 1960s and 1970s. On the other hand, there is criticism that the maker movement can fall into another technology utopianism and function as an area of consumer society, and mobilize it in the direction of activating consumerism. Although the maker's movement is amorphous due to its characteristics and it is currently in progress, it is difficult to make crude definition yet. However, as the citizens who have been defined only as consumers of science and technology, are newly emerging as producers of makers, there have been great changes in the topography of science and technology and civil society. So the scientific implication of the maker movement is great in that it shows the possibility of causing it.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

Celebrating its $50^{th}$ anniversary in 2017, the leaders of ASEAN member sates have adopted a series of declarations and action plans for enhancing its institutional capability and functional cooperation. ASEAN's convening power is expected to underpin its centrality and resilience. Meanwhile, ASEAN's retreat from democracy has increasingly become a hindrance for its further development. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, it argues that there is increasing concerns over ASEAN's limited capability in dealing with regional issues mainly caused by the deprivation of human rights and the democracy in crisis. Second, this article considers the dynamics of ASEAN's external relations mainly focusing on its relations with China, the United States, and South Korea. The South China Sea issue and China's increasing economic influence in the region have contributed to the complexity of ASEAN-China relations. The ASEAN's responses to the shift in American foreign policy under the Trump administration posits the unity of ASEAN. The New Southern Policy initiated by South Korean President, Moon Jae-in appears to be a new focal point of Korea-ASEAN relations despite considerable challenges, which requires to maintain ASEAN centrality.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.7
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• pp.110-120
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• 2011

The objective of the thesis is to analyze a view of the world appeared in . The chapter II 'humanism healing to distort the existence' discussed humanism to be contributive to reviving the original form. Haku's love for wandering Chihiro, Chihiro's love for Haku who is physically and mentally distressed, as he changed to the dragon, and Chihiro's love for her mother and father who the Yubaba transformed into pigs show humanism given without qualification. The chapter III 'asceticism oriented coexistence' discussed asceticism contributive to public order. Chihiro's father and mother transformed into pigs, Yubaba exploiting workers, and Gaonasi eating away in sight show harmful consequences of intense desire. On the contrary to this, a naive Chihiro and a simple Jeniva show benefit of asceticism. The chapter IV 'thought of life regretting modern civilization' discussed thought of life reflecting on contradiction of capitalism. The Stink God character asked to thorough reconsider about modern civilization. Haku leaved his home, river, instructs the important of nature and life.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.14-25
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• 2018

This study is to understand subculture as a selective amity or an emotional tribe that includes a life style, hobby and leisure of people and seeing it as the tribal solidarity or emotional alliance. Hence, based on the neo-tribalism by Michel Maffesoli who explains a tribe not composing a social vertical structure represented by class, but is composed a horizontal structure of individuals as a member of a society, this study conducted an empirical analysis on domestic minor fashion communities. Research findings show that they have a unique structure unexplained by Maffesoli. Fashion styles, values shared by domestic minor fashion communities are almost entirely based on individual likes and dislikes, escaping from a symbol of resistance to subordination explained by the existing subculture, play a role in enhancing the solidarity inside the community and confirming its identity outside. However, as for shared values within a community, it reveals a new invisible type of subculture intra-inter domestic minor fashion communities. A community showed a closed mind rather than open mind, disregarding or comparing with other communities and preventing their members from participation. A community had strict fashion rules and obvious classes, leading to participatory restriction. In conclusion, domestic minor fashion communities showed the most significant characteristic of a selective vertical structure by individual and community rather than a vertical structure by a society.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.101-110
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• 2020

Since the third inter-Korean summit, the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang and the U.S.-North Korea summit in Singapore and Hanoi, denuclearization negotiations are under way that will determine the fate of the Korean Peninsula. However, the negotiations are stalled and some skepticism is expected due to the conflicting U.S.-North Korea stance over the terms of denuclearization. The reason why it is difficult to realize the complete denuclearization of North Korea is that there are a variety of variables such as the traditional security dilemma in Northeast Asia, the hegemonic competition between the U.S. and China, and the formation of a new cold-war system. At a turning point when three inter-Korean summits and three U.S.-North Korea summits were held in the wake of the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, North Korea's complete denuclearization has become a must-do historical task for Northeast Asia and world peace beyond the Korean Peninsula. In this sense, the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang is seen as a historic occasion for presenting a new milestone for the denuclearization of North Korea and the development of inter-Korean relations through the 9.19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration and the Military Agreement. Meanwhile, Constructivism, which has become the main paradigm of international political theory, presents the view that ideological variables such as ideology, history and culture define material factors, identity and interests of state actors, and that the structure of international relations can be changed through interaction. In this study, the historical meaning of the 9.19 Pyongyang Declaration, which is now past its first anniversary, was considered from a constructivist perspective. To this end, the development process of constructivism theory and analysis model and the development process of inter-Korean relations were briefly reviewed, and the military implications of the 9.19 Military Agreement were presented.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.279-310
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• 2008

In this research, the writer investigated the thought in realism and view on education appeared in the text, GUANZI("管子") roughly. The thoughts and contemplation in GUANZI mostly contain practical issues of politics, law and economy, as well as military policy and also get involved in the education pursuing an organic relationship therewith. In GUANZI, the rule of law and morality were applied to the politics in a harmonious fashion. Although the text upheld agrarian-oriented policy in connection with nation's economy, it, however, succeeded to secure the national wealth by having implemented the polices concerned with industry and commerce in an appropriate manner. In addition, he established strong military organization through political stability and by securing economic strength. In short, this is the policy in order to pursue 'a rich nation with a strong military.' Under such situation, education made a positive contribution to meet the realistic needs in order for reinforcement of politics, economy, and military. In the level of moral education that will set right the decorum and proprieties of the people, and their loyalty and integrity, vocational training that enabled the four divisions of society, that is, the official class, farmers, artisans and merchants, to carry out their given jobs successfully was highly valued in GUANZI. These are substantial efforts in order to establish the order of community by means of putting emphasis on people's morality and loyalty, and also to create the public weal through reinforcement of producing activities of each class of society. After all, the realistic thought and view on education appeared in GUANZI can be understood as an expression of strong will to accomplish national prosperity and military strength in order to overcome disturbing situations in the society in those days.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.819-836
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• 2016

The development paradigm based on modernization theory and economic growth since the WWII reached an impasse in the 1980s. As an alternative, the new perspective on development as a whole social development beyond economic growth has emerged, and culture as an important method for as well as a approach to development has been emphasized. Post-development theories destruct the European development concept and suggest alternative developments emphasizing culture restoration, endogenous growth, diversity, and neopopulist developments movement emphasize community, gender, ownership, and participation. International Organizations such as UNESCO have also examined and developed the relations between culture and development. Although different from that of the past development paradigm, acknowledging other cultures, however, this elaborated concept of culture has some limitations and need to be reconceptualized through applying the geographical concept of 'relational place.' The concept of relational place can help recognize internal diversity within culture and community and link them to a broader economic and political contexts.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.77
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• pp.7-27
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• 2024

This study addresses the crucial role of Christian Religious Education (CRE) amidst civic polarization, moral disimagination, and learned helplessness. It begins her personal background as a 1.5-generation Vietnamese American and her academic engagement in immigrant faith and the challenges of teaching faith in violent contexts. The work underscores the public dimension and impact of religious education, highlighting its potential for fostering critical capacities for public engagement. However, that study observes a prevalent disconnection between congregational culture and the aim of public engagement, leading to a form of learned helplessness among students and communities. The researcher draws on Paulo Freire's concepts of "critical hope" and the need for a curriculum that transcends mere content delivery to foster transformative engagement with societal issues. The document critiques the disimigination machine that undermines critical thinking and collective resistance, as articulated by Henry Giroux, and explores the concepts of "learned helplessness" as a barrier to environmental and social activism. The researcher advocates for a theopoetic and theopolitical approach to education that nurtures hope and practical engagement with the world's injustice. She emphasizes small acts of theopoetic and theopolitical hope as transformative practices, using an example from Ferguson, Missouri, to illustrate how public liturgy and protest can mediate hope and justice. The document concludes with a call for a life-long, life-wide, and life-deep curriculum of enchantment towards responsible participation in societal repair, rooted in Christian hope.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.197-202
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• 2021

This paper focuses on the situation in which, as pluralistic democracy spreads globally from the mid-20th century, the concept of publicness, the reason for the existence of traditional public art, is not limited to the physicality of occupying public space or the conditions for creation by public funds, but is seeking a new direction and examine the social significance of these changes. For this purpose, the main body of this paper analyzes the major public art projects of Freee Art Collective who were active in the UK in the early 2000s. Freee performed various public art projects in which individuals constituting a community critically reflect on political, social, and economic issues related to public goods and provide a discourse space for democratic discussion. Their practice suggested a methodology for socially-engaged public art that resists the "Third Way" cultural policy of the New Labour administration. Therefore, this paper argues that Freee's public art seeks alternatives to publicness in that it allows one to resistively think about problematic aspects of hegemonic cultural production of neoliberal cultural policy that pursues political consensus and social harmony. This research about Freee's public art would be significant in that it can serve as an opportunity for critical reflection on the contemplative form and public role of contemporary public art.