• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.530-539
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• 2020

In this paper, we implement a digital content that visualizes the ten kings of Hell kings appearing in Buddhist myths according to their keyword. The ten kings of Hell are called ShiWang, and can be found in ordinary temples as tangible cultural Heritage such as paintings of the Buddha. ShiWang is a great king who controls the underworld and has been passed on in various forms in shamanism and Buddhist culture. We analyze the ShiWang, who appears in ancient literature, analyzes its features by hell and categorizes keywords. When the public chooses keywords of interest from implemented digital content, digital content represents the ShiWang and Hell image and descriptions associated with the selected keywords. Applications of the digital content are as follows; development of games and cultural characters, digital storytelling using traditional culture, teaching Buddhist culture and doctrines, games, etc.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.155-185
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to compare death the Korean Buddhist understanding of death with that of Daesoon Jinrihoe. Various concepts, including reincarnation (輪廻), myeongbu (冥府, 'the postmortem offices' or 'afterworld') and the Ten Kings (十王) of the afterworld are used to explain views on death in both religions. However, these concepts differ not only in their content and categorization, but also in terms of the meaning they occupy within the doctrines of each religion. In other words, although many similarities can be found between Buddhism and Daesoon Jinrihoe's concept of reincarnation, at the same time, differences between them can also be pointed out. The differences include the period of time between one's death and reincarnation and also the importance of reliance upon other people or divine powers during the reincarnation process. With regard to ideas involving myŏngbu, there are far more differences than similarities. Both Buddhism and Daesoon Jinrihoe shares a similar notion of an afterlife judgment presided over by the Ten Kings. However, many differences can be found when it comes to Daesoon Jinrihoe other view of myŏngbu, known as 'myeongbu gongsa (the Reordering Works of Myeongbu).' These works are considered to be of great doctrinal importance in Daesoon Jinrihoe. Therefore, the concepts of reincarnation and myeongbu that appear in both traditions should not be considered identical and need to be redefined accordingly in comparative contexts. In other words, the concepts of reincarnation, myeongbu, and the Ten Kings as they appear in the Daesoon Thought should first be differentiated from their counterparts found in Buddhism and then be redefined in the context of the new and independent system of thought in which they exist. These concepts should then be applied to broader theoretical discourse on religion.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.51 no.6
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• pp.567-577
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• 2018

One of problems related with water curtain cultivation (WCC) in Korea includes severe declination of groundwater levels during the peak season, and it is likely that the problem can be resolved efficiently when the connection characteristics between groundwater and stream are well understood. This study examined temperature, and oxygen/hydrogen stable isotopic compositions of the flowing groundwater to understand the connection between stream and ground water, and the influence of stream water on the nearby aquifer. This study was performed in Wangjeon-ri (Kwangseok-myon, Nonsan City), the well-known strawberry town using WCC technique. The sampling was done during February 2010 through June 2011 for both groundwaters and nearby streams. Temperature distribution pattern indicates that stream widely affected groundwater in the right part of WCC ara. In the left part, the influence of stream seems to occur narrowly near the stream. The similar phenomenon is reflected in the oxygen and hydrogen isotopic data.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.146-183
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• 2000

통과이상적연구(通過以上的硏究), 장상한학술적성숙기(將傷寒學術的成熟期), 칙지명대여청대관여상한의학사적내용정리(則至明代與淸代關與傷寒醫學史的內容整理) 여하(如下). 1. 명청시대적시대배경사상한학적내용갱풍부(明淸時代的時代背景使傷寒學的內容更豊富), 촉진상한학술적발전(促進傷寒學術的發展) 병차출현료흔다관여상한적저작(幷且出現了?多關與傷寒的著作), 단실제상야출현료상한론내용적중복여지론술일반부분(但實際上也出現了傷寒論內容的重複與只論述一般部分), 혹저자립안조잡적처방지폐단(或著者立案粗雜的處方之弊端). 차기우출현각종상한학파적리유(此期又出現各種傷寒學派的理由), 시인위당시류행적사조(是因爲當時流行的思潮), 칙정주리학적영향여명대문단부고(則程朱理學的影響與明代文壇復古), 의고적추향(擬古的趨向), 환유금원시대적백가쟁오등(還有金元時代的百家爭嗚等), 성료형성상한학파적기초(成了形成傷寒學派的基礎). 2. 위료불실거상한론적본래의식(爲了不失去傷寒論的本來意識), 주장정리화고정원문회부왕숙화이전모양적착간중정파시왕안도기료개단(主張整理和考訂原文恢復王叔和以前模樣的錯簡重訂派是王安道起了開端), 방유집확대료기의식(方有執擴大了其意識). 유창여침명종시대표저학파학자(喩昌與沈明宗是代表這學派學者), 장로(張?) 정응모(程應?) 주양준(周揚俊) 오겸등수료저학설(吳謙等隨了這學說). 3. 주장(主張)'존왕(尊王)(숙화(叔和))찬성(贊成)(무기(无己))'적유호구론파(的維護舊論派), 주장료불능수변개상한론삼음삼양편적배렬여순서(主張了不能隨變改傷寒論三陰三陽篇的排列與順序), 문자(文字), 구문(句文), 문장(文章), 고세식(高世?), 진념조등인(陳念祖等人). 4. 주장상한론적정수재어변증론치(主張傷寒論的精髓在於辨證論治), 선우운용칙능득상한핵심리론적학파시변증론치학파(善于運用則能得傷寒核心理論的學派是辨證論治學派). 저학파분사개계통(這學派分四?系統), 이처방수집증상적의가유허굉(以處方收集證狀的醫家有許宏), 가금(柯琴), 서대춘(徐大椿); 이치법수집증상적의가유오인구(以治法收集證狀的醫家有吳人駒), 우이(尤怡); 이분유륙경찰증상적의가유진념조(以分有六經察證狀的醫家有陳念祖), 포성(包誠); 이증상분류증후적의가유류순(以證狀分類證候的醫家有劉純), 왕긍당(王肯堂), 진지정(秦之楨), 침금오등인(沈金鰲等人). 5. 회통파유량종류형(?通派有兩種類型), 일시수통상한여온병적학파(一是誰通傷寒與溫病的學派), 간칭회통파(簡稱?通派), 대표의가유도화(代表醫家有陶華), 오정(吳貞), 유근초등인(兪根初等人), 령일개유회통중의여서의적립장상해석상한적의가당종해(?一?有?通中醫與西醫的立場上解釋傷寒的醫家唐宗海). 6. 경전학파시이상한론위보귀적경전래인식(經典學派是以傷寒論爲保貴的經典來認識), 병차지유숭상차경여사상적학파(幷且持有崇尙此經與思想的學派), 차리분량개편우원문적고증래연구적경전고증파(此里分兩?偏于原文的考證來硏究的經典考證派), 화인위지유상한론(和認爲只有傷寒論), 재능총괄치료외감병(才能總括治療外感病), 부정온병학설병배척적경전림상파(否定溫病學說幷排斥的經典臨床派).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.129-162
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• 2017

This article examines the form of hell and the nature of literary works in the late Joseon period. 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' divides a sinner into a man and a woman, and presents a virtue of goodness to a man and an item of evil to a woman. The elements of virtue and malice are both Buddhist ethical norms and Confucian ethical norms. Hell-related novels have common features that emphasize the ethical norms that should be kept in daily life through the causes of hell, though the patterns of punishment and their reasons are slightly different depending on the works. And 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' and these works are generally shown by reducing the punishment pixel of hell compared to the cause of hell. This characteristic shows that the literary works of the late Joseon literature related to hell were mainly aimed at providing or educating ethical virtues centered on 'Samgangwol(三綱五倫)' through sanctions of 'Hell' widely known to the general public. The emphasis on Confucian ethics is not limited to works of literature related to hell. In the nineteenth century, when these works were created and circulated, there is a surge in the number of chapters and publications of books for Confucian Indoctrination, Didactic Gasa, and Goodness Books, which emphasize Confucian ethics. Such a strengthening of the Confucian ethical consciousness can be attributed to the crisis of the 19th century Joseon society about the social confusion that threatens the existing system. In particular, the creation and circulation of literary works related to hell in the late Joseon period is related to the dissemination and spread of Catholicism. In the end, the hell shape of the late Joseon literature reflects the crisis of social confusion faced by Joseon society in the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be said that it has the character of literary response to the prevalent diffusion of Catholicism.