• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.87-114
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• 2006

The concept of alternative sphere is terminologically various; resistance media, counter media, minjung media, grassroots media, underground media, alternative media, civic media, etc. Each terminology reflect the feature of times and the emphasis of advocator. This article explore the transformation of alternative public sphere and its motive in Korea. In a world, Korea's alternative public sphere has changed as following: resistance media and liberty media in 70', counter media and minjung media in 80', alternative media in 90', and alternative media and civic media in 2000'. The motive of transformation is basically the expansion of civil society and extension of social movement in Korea. As social movement's character has changed, the feature of alternative public sphere has also changed. Minjung movement played key role of social movement in 1980', the alternative public sphere characterized as minjung media or counter media which was based on working class consciousness. After this, According as civil movement have initiative of social movement, the character of alternative public sphere changed by alternative media and civic media. Besides, this article argue that the alternative public sphere of Korea has changed dialectically with social movement.

• 월간 한농연
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• no.34
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• pp.8-11
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• 2004

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.253-285
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• 2006

This study focuses on the on-line civic social movement which is based on the individual dimension. This kind of on-line social movement is organized voluntarily by the citizens who have the common concerns about issues and problems raised in the net. In the context, this paper analyzes what is the characteristics of discourse formed in the process of public discussion concerned about the anti-Nix movement. And, this study also analyzed who was processed the anti-Nix movement through which steps and what kinds of way in the case of anti-nix movement. Based on the research results, the anti-Nix movement is led by the organizer of the movement and the active participants of it. This study also found out that the various movement strategies of the site organizer were the major reasons of the success of anti-Nix movement. This study also found out that the discussion board of anti-Nix movement is close to the function and role of traditional public sphere rather than those of the swearwords and libels.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.30 no.11 s.342
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• pp.24-25
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• 1997

선진국에서는 정책결정을 할 때 과학기술분야에도 시민 참여가 활기를 띠고 있다. 덴마크의 '합의회의'를 보면 인구집단을 대표할 수 있는 노동자, 주부, 기업가, 대학생, 교수 등 해당분야 비전문가로 구성된 패널이 전문가, 언론인, 일반인을 앞에 놓고 3일동안 공개토론을 벌인 뒤 정책권고사항 등을 담은 보고서를 내놓는 것이다. 최근 우리나라도 과학기술시민운동이 싹트고 있다. 국민을 아끼는 진정한 과학대중화운동이 절실할 때다.

• 한국도서관연감
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• no.2005
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• pp.221-276
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• 2005

• 한국도서관연감
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• no.2004
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• pp.185-258
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• 2004

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Broadcast Engineers Conference
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• 2016.11a
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• pp.190-193
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• 2016

본 연구는 사행산업의 분야인 복권, 체육진흥투표권, 경마, 카지노에 대해 언론에서는 어떻게 다루어지고 있는지를 1990년부터 2015년까지의 뉴스데이터를 빅데이터 분석 방법 중 테스트의 의미연결망 분석을 통해 밝혀보고자 하는 연구이다. 이 논문은 의미망 분석을 통해 기사의 빈도와 연결성을 프레이밍과 시민관심 정도로 재조명 하여 기사에 대한 언론보도자의 의도와 시민의 인식차이를 밝혔고, 이를 통해 정책적 특성과 개혁과제를 탐색하였다. 분석결과 복권의 경우 당첨번호, 당첨금, 조작의혹 등 당첨에 대한 부분이 주제인 '사회문제' 형태였으며, 체육진흥투표권의 경우에는 사업입찰, 불법사이트, 발매대상 등 주로 사업추진과 불법사이트에 대한 '의무정보' 종류였고, 경마의 경우 사업장, 홍보, 기사 등으로 사업홍보나 광고 관련 뉴스이었고, 마지막으로 카지노의 경우에는 불법, 도박장, 외국인 등 '주요정보'에 해당하는 논문이었다. 시대에 따라 1990년대에는 카지노, 2000년대에는 복권, 2010년대에는 경마에 대한 기사보도가 많아졌으며, 이에 대한 시민의 반응도 사업비리, 당첨, 시민운동 등의 차이가 있었다. 마지막으로 기사의 빈도와 연결성이 나타내는 프레이밍 정도와 시민의 관심은 '1. 홍보광고, 2. 의무정보, 3. 사회이슈, 4. 주요정보' 네 가지로 구분되었으며 이 중 사고, 비리 등 주요기사로 구분되는 사회문제가 주요 공공의제로 형성되는 것을 확인할 수 있었다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.44-75
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• 2008

The candle rally against the import of American beef which lasted for a long time was full of various types of social movement. That is, new media including mobile phone, Internet, Internet cafes played an important role in mobilizing people around the rally. Thus, this research focuses on the meaning and effect of these kinds of movement. In particular, it analyzed the possibility of real time broadcasting through the Internet as civic journalism, which received much attention in the rally. For this, this research used case study and interview as main research method. Case study focused on Internet cafes based on the media coverage of the rally. Interviews were conducted with workers at OhmyTV, Color TV, and 615TV. These workers at progressive media emphasized on the scene coverage as the advantage of real time delivery. Transmitting many citizens' voices was another advantage. It is expected that personal media and progressive media which try to show the scent as it is will play an important role in the future journalism with the expansion of Wibro.