• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.26-44
• /
• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• v.49 no.5
• /
• pp.601-613
• /
• 2000

Background : Idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) is a fatal progressive fibrous disease of the lung of unknown etiology. Recently it has been classified into several distinct entities on the basis of pathologic and clinical characteristics, ie : usual interstitial pneumonia (UIP), desquamative interstitial pneumonia (DIP), acute interstitial pneumonia (AIP), bronchiolitis obliterans with organizing pneumonia (BOOP), and nonspecific interstitial pneumonia (NSIP). IPF is now applied only for UIP, which has the worst prognosis. The previous reports of 3-5 year median survival appears to be overoptimistic because other types with better prognosis like NSIP or BOOP might have been included. Therefore, this study was performed to determine the clinical course and the prognostic factors of UIP as diagnosed by surgical lung biopsy. Methods : The subjects were 72 UIP patients (age $58.2{\pm}11.6$ years, M : F=45 : 27, median follow up period : 18.1 months (0.7-103.6) diagnosed by surgical lung biopsy at the Asan Medical Center (68 patients) and the Paik Hospital in Seoul (4 patients). Clinical scores (level of dyspnea : 1-20 points), radiologic score (honeycombing : HC score 0-5 points, ground glass : GG score 0-5 points), and physiologic scores (FVC : 1-12 points, $FEV_1$ : 0-3 points, TLC : 0-10 points, $D_{LCO)$ : 0-5 points, $AaDO_2$ : 0-10 points) were summed into a total CRP score. Results : 1) The one year survival rate was 78.3%, while the rate for three year survival was 58.1%, and the median survival period was 42.5months. 2) Short term (1 year) prognosis : The patients who died within one year of diagnosis (14 patients) had the higher initial total CRP score ($28.6{\pm}8.3$ vs. $16.6{\pm}9.7$) than those who lived longer than one year (46 patients). The difference in the total CRP score was attributed to the symptom score ($8.4{\pm}2.1$ vs. $5.7{\pm}3.9$) and the physiologic score ($15.7{\pm}7.1$ vs. $6.7{\pm}5.7$) including FVC, $D_{LCO)$ and $AaDO_2$. 3) Long-term (3year) prognosis : The total CRP score ($12.2{\pm}6.7$ vs. $28.7{\pm}7.9$ : including symptom score, FVC, $D_{LCO)$ and $AaDO_2$) at the time of diagnosis were also different for the long-term survivors and those who lived less than 3 years. 4) Cox regression analysis showed $D_{LCO)$ (${\geq}$60%) (Hazard ratio : 4.56, 95% CI : 2.30-16.04) was the independent prognostic factors of UIP (P<0.05). Conclusion : These results suggest that $D_{LCO)$ at the time of diagnosis seem to be a prognostic markers of biopsy-proven UIP.

• The Journal of Natural Sciences
• /
• v.7
• /
• pp.133-162
• /
• 1995

Paderborn's companies, Wameling and Cassau, produce the liturgical vestments, which have much traditional artistic merit. And Kevelaerer Fahnen + Paramenten GmbH, located in Kevelater which is a place of pilgrimage of the Virgin Mary, was known to Europe, Africa, America and the Scandinavia Peninsula as the "Hidden Company" of liturgical vesments maker up to now. Paderborn and Kevelaer were the place of the center of the religious world and the Catholic ceremony during a good few centries. The Catholic liturgical vestiments of these 3 companies use versatile design, color, shape and techniques. These have not only the symbolism of religion, but also can meet our's expectations of utilization of modern textile art, art clothing and wide-all division of design. These give the understanding of symbolic meanings and harmony according to liturgical vestments to the believers. And these have an influence on mental thinking and induction of religious belief to the non-believers as the recognition and concerns about the religious art. The liturgical vestments are clothes which churchmen put on at the all ceremonial function of a mass, a sacrament, performance and a parade according to rules of church. These show the represen-tation of "Holy God" in silence and distinguish between common people and churchmen. And these represent a status and dignity of churchmen and induce majesty and respect to churchmen. Common clothes of the beginning of the Greece and Rome was developed to Christian clothes with the tendency of religion. There were no special uniforms distinguished from commen people until the Christianity was recognized officially by the Roman Emperor Constantinus at A.D.313. The color of liturgical vestments was originally white and changed to special colors according to liturgical day and each time by the Pope Innocentius at 12th century. The color and symbolic meaning of the liturgical vestments of present day was originated by the Pope St. Pius(1566-1572). Wool and Linen was used as decorations and materials in the beginnings and the special materials like silk was used after 4th century and beautiful materials made of gold thread was used at 12th century. It is expected that there is no critical changes to the liturgical vestments of future. But the development of liturgical vestments will continues slowly by the command of conservative church and will change to simple and convenient formes according to the culture, the trend of the times and the fashion of clothes. The companies of liturgical vestments develop versatile design, embroidery technique and realization of creative design for distinction of the liturgical vestments of each company and artistic progress. The cooperation of companies, artists and church will make the bright future of these 3 companies. We expect that our country will be a famous producing center of the liturgical vestments through the research and development of companies, participation of artists in religeous arts and concerts of church.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.481-491
• /
• 1995

Background: Recently there has been a trend of an increasing incidence of mediastinal tuberculous lymphadenitis(MTL) in adults. MTL often cause bronchial stenosis or esophago-mediastinal fistula. In spite of effective treatment, it is difficult to cure. Moreover, relapse frequently occurs. Authors analyzed chest CT findings and clinical features of 29 cases with MTL Methods: 29 cases with MTL were retrospectively studied with the clinical and radiologic features from April 1990 to March 1995 Results: 1) A total of 29 cases were studied. 12 cases were male and 17 cases were female. The male to female ratio was 1:1.4 Mean age was 29 years old. The 3rd decade(45%) was the most prevalent age group 2) The most common presenting symptoms and signs were palpable neck masses(62%) followed by cough(59%) and sputum(38%) 3) Except in one case of MTL, all patients had coexisting pulmonary tuberculosis, cervical tuberculous lymphadenitis, endobronchial tuberculosis and tuberculous pleurisy. Among the coexisting tuberculous diseases, Pulmonary tuberculosis was the most common(76%) 4) On simple chest X-ray, mediastinal enlargement was noted in 21 cases(72%), but it was not noted in 8 cases(28%). The most frequently involving site was the paratracheal node in 16 cases(72%). Rt side predominence(73%) was noted 5) Patterns of node appearance on a postcontrast CT scan were classified into 3 types. There were 19 cases(30%) of the Homogenous type, 30 cases(47%) of the Central low density type and 15 cases(23%) of the Peripheral fat obliteration type. The most common type was the central low density type. The most common lymph node size was 1~2 cm(88%) 6) The most frequently involved site was the paratracheal node in 26 cases(89%) by chest CT. Rt side(63%) was predominant 7) 9 cases(43%) had complete therapy and most common treatment duration was 13 - 18 months. 12 cases(57%) had incomplete continuing antituberculous medication and half of the cases had been treated above 19 months. Conclusion: Chest CT findings of MTL showed central low density area and peripheral rim enhancement, so this characteristic findings could differentiate it from other mediastinal diseases and help a diagnosis of tuberculosis. In spite of effective antituberculous medication, it is difficult to cure. Moreover, relapse frequently occurs. Further studies will be needed of the clinical features and the treatment of MTL.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.141-156
• /
• 2013

Researchers in welfare services of local government in Korea have rather been on isolated issues as disables, childcare, aging phenomenon, etc. (Kang, 2004; Jung et al., 2009). Lately, local officials, yet, realize that they need more comprehensive welfare services for all residents, not just for above-mentioned focused groups. Still cases dealt with focused group approach have been a main research stream due to various reason(Jung et al., 2009; Lee, 2009; Jang, 2011). Social Security Information System is an information system that comprehensively manages 292 welfare benefits provided by 17 ministries and 40 thousand welfare services provided by 230 local authorities in Korea. The purpose of the system is to improve efficiency of social welfare delivery process. The study of local government expenditure has been on the rise over the last few decades after the restarting the local autonomy, but these studies have limitations on data collection. Measurement of a local government's welfare efforts(spending) has been primarily on expenditures or budget for an individual, set aside for welfare. This practice of using monetary value for an individual as a "proxy value" for welfare effort(spending) is based on the assumption that expenditure is directly linked to welfare efforts(Lee et al., 2007). This expenditure/budget approach commonly uses total welfare amount or percentage figure as dependent variables (Wildavsky, 1985; Lee et al., 2007; Kang, 2000). However, current practice of using actual amount being used or percentage figure as a dependent variable may have some limitation; since budget or expenditure is greatly influenced by the total budget of a local government, relying on such monetary value may create inflate or deflate the true "welfare effort" (Jang, 2012). In addition, government budget usually contain a large amount of administrative cost, i.e., salary, for local officials, which is highly unrelated to the actual welfare expenditure (Jang, 2011). This paper used local government welfare service data from the detailed data sets linked to the Social Security Information System. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the factors that affect social welfare spending of 230 local authorities in 2012. The paper applied multiple regression based model to analyze the pooled financial data from the system. Based on the regression analysis, the following factors affecting self-funded welfare spending were identified. In our research model, we use the welfare budget/total budget(%) of a local government as a true measurement for a local government's welfare effort(spending). Doing so, we exclude central government subsidies or support being used for local welfare service. It is because central government welfare support does not truly reflect the welfare efforts(spending) of a local. The dependent variable of this paper is the volume of the welfare spending and the independent variables of the model are comprised of three categories, in terms of socio-demographic perspectives, the local economy and the financial capacity of local government. This paper categorized local authorities into 3 groups, districts, and cities and suburb areas. The model used a dummy variable as the control variable (local political factor). This paper demonstrated that the volume of the welfare spending for the welfare services is commonly influenced by the ratio of welfare budget to total local budget, the population of infants, self-reliance ratio and the level of unemployment factor. Interestingly, the influential factors are different by the size of local government. Analysis of determinants of local government self-welfare spending, we found a significant effect of local Gov. Finance characteristic in degree of the local government's financial independence, financial independence rate, rate of social welfare budget, and regional economic in opening-to-application ratio, and sociology of population in rate of infants. The result means that local authorities should have differentiated welfare strategies according to their conditions and circumstances. There is a meaning that this paper has successfully proven the significant factors influencing welfare spending of local government in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.52 no.2
• /
• pp.196-219
• /
• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.72-105
• /
• 2011

This study explores the value of the Dicentra spectabilis community as a nature reserve in provincial forests at San 1-2, Daea-ri, Dongsang-myeon, Wanju-gun, Jellabuk-do, also known as Gamakgol, while defining the appropriateness of its living environment and eventually providing basic information to protect this area. For these reasons, we investigated 'morphological and biological features of Dicentra spectabilis' and the 'present situation and problems of designing a herbaceous nature reserve in Korea.' Furthermore, we researched and analyzed the solar, soil and vegetation condition here through a field study in order to comprehend its nature reserve value. The result is as follows. According to the analytic result for information on the domestic wild Dicentra spectabilis community, it is evenly spread throughout mountainous areas, and there is one particularly outstanding in size in Wanju Gamakgol. Upon the findings from literature and the field study about its dispersion, Gamakgol has been discovered as an ideal district for Dicentra spectabilis since it meets all the conditions this plant requires to grow vigorously, such as a quasi-high altitude and rich precipitation during its period of active growth duration in May. Dicentra spectabilis grows in rocky soil ranging from 300~375m above sea level, 344.5m on average, towards the north, northwest and dominantly in the northeast. The mean inclination degree is $19.5^{\circ}$. Also, upon findings from analyzing solar conditions, the average light intensity during its growth duration, from Apr. to Aug., is 30,810lux on average and it tends to increase, as it gets closer to the end. This plant requires around 14,000~18,000lux while growing, but once bloomed, fruits develop regardless of the degree of brightness. The soil pH has shown a slight difference between the topsoil, at 5.2~6.1, and subsoil, at 5.2~6.2. Its mean pH is 5.54 for topsoil and 5.58 for subsoil. These results are very typical for Dicentra spectabilis to grow in, and other comparative areas also present similar conditions. Given the facts, the character of the soil in Gamakgol has been evaluated to have high stability. Analysis of its vegetation environment shows a wide variation of taxa numbering from 13 to 52 depending on area. The total number of taxa is 126 and they are a homogenous group while showing a variety of species as well. The Dicentra spectabilis community in the Daea-ri Arboretum is an herbaceous community consisting of dominantly Dicentra spectabilis, Cardamine leucantha, Boehmeria tricuspi and Impatiens textori while having many differential species such as Impatiens textori, Pueraria thunbergiana, Rubus crataegifolius vs Staphylea bumalda, Securinega suffruticosa, and Actinidia polygama. It suggests that it is a typical subcolony divided by topographic features and soil humidity. Considering the above results on a comprehensive level, this area is an excellent habitat for wild Dicentra spectabilis providing beautiful viewing enjoyment. Additionally, it is the largest wild colony of Dicentra spectabilis in Korea whose climate, topography, soil conditions and vegetation environment can secure sustainability as a wild habitat of Dicentra spectabilis. Therefore, We have determined that the Gamakgol community should be re-examined as natural asset owing to its established habitat conditions and sustainability.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.150-169
• /
• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.18
• /
• pp.257-282
• /
• 2009

Le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{t}}re$ musical en $Cor{\acute{e}}e$ est devenu aujourd'hui une mode. Beaucoup parlent de musical, mais beaucoup de musicals sont $mont{\acute{e}}s$ sur la $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ sans des recherches $n{\acute{e}}cessaires$ suffisantes. C'est pour cette raison que la plupart des spectacles musicaux qui sont $cr{\acute{e}}es$ en $Cor{\acute{e}}e$ sont $destin{\acute{e}}s$ en faillite $d{\grave{e}}s$ la naissance. D'ailleurs les musicals $liscenci{\acute{e}}s$ par $l^{\prime}Am{\acute{e}}rique$, la France qui sont $mont{\acute{e}}s$ sur la $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ de $Cor{\acute{e}}e$ aujourd'hui sont assez pour nuire le $march{\acute{e}}$ $cor{\acute{e}}en$ $constitu{\acute{e}}$ autour de musical. Quels sont donc les $probl{\grave{e}}mes$ que posent les musicals $liscenci{\acute{e}}s$? $Premi{\grave{e}}rement$ ils encouragent la mime, pas la $cr{\acute{e}}ation$. En d'autre terme, les musicals $liscenci{\acute{e}}s$ que les $Cor{\acute{e}}ens$ montent sur la $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ ne sont pas les $cr{\acute{e}}ations$ propres chez les $Cor{\acute{e}}ens$, par contre, ces derniers sont $demand{\acute{e}}s$ de suivre ${\grave{a}}$ la mot les indications $dict{\acute{e}}es$ par le droit d'auteur. Les $cr{\acute{e}}ateurs$ $cor{\acute{e}}ens$ ne sont pas libres de $cr{\acute{e}}ation$. $Deuxi{\grave{e}}mement$ les musicals ${\grave{a}}$ la mode ont pouvoir de $d{\acute{e}}truire$ la $diversit{\acute{e}}$ de l'homme. L'homme se $caract{\grave{e}}rise$ par la $diversit{\acute{e}}$ et se $diff{\grave{e}}re$ l'un par rapport ${\grave{a}}$ l'autre. C'est l'essence de l'homme. Tous sont $diff{\acute{e}}rents$. Pourtant le musical qui $r{\grave{e}}gne$ sur tous genres de spectacles d'aujourd'hui de $Cor{\acute{e}}e$ ne laisse pas vivre d'autres genres de spectacles, la danse, le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$, etc. Seul le musical est $compt{\acute{e}}$. $Troisi{\grave{e}}mement$ le musical ne peut pas nier $compl{\grave{e}}tement$ son origine commerciale. En fait le musical est devenu une chose important depuis des investigations immenses par le gouvernement $d^{\prime}Am{\acute{e}}rique$ pour donner des travails aux gens. Donc, $d{\grave{e}}s$ le $d{\acute{e}}but$, il n'y avait pas de $consid{\acute{e}}rations$ artistiques dans et sur le musical. Comme c'est par le commerce que le musical est $r{\acute{e}}pandu$, s'il y aura un $probl{\grave{e}}me$ quelconque, il est $tr{\grave{e}}s$ possible qu'on cherche ${\grave{a}}$ $r{\acute{e}}soudre$ le $probl{\grave{e}}me$ par la vue de commerce. En comprenant les $probl{\grave{e}}mes$ $mentionn{\acute{e}}s$ $l{\grave{a}}$-dessus, il faut $pr{\acute{e}}parer$ le changement de $march{\acute{e}}$ $cor{\acute{e}}enne$ de musical. Le moyen le plus $su{\hat{r}}$ de se $pr{\acute{e}}parer$ est de trouver la $r{\acute{e}}solution$ dans la culture. Pourtant cette $derni{\grave{e}}re$ ne signifie pas la tradition comme $c^{\prime}{\acute{e}}tait$ le cas $jusqu^{\prime}{\grave{a}}$ aujourd'hui, car les $Cor{\acute{e}}ens$ ne sont pas ${\acute{e}}duqu{\acute{e}}s$ par cette $derni{\grave{e}}re$. La $modernit{\acute{e}}$, disons occidentale, traverse la $Cor{\acute{e}}e$. Donc, la signification du mot 'culture' doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ $bas{\acute{e}}e$ sur la tradition et la $modernit{\acute{e}}$ en $m{\hat{e}}me$ temps.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.62
• /
• pp.145-176
• /
• 2016

This paper aims to define the leadership of Gunja (君子, translated into prince, gentleman, or ideal man) based on Confucian Classics which offer the general values and norms of individuals' virtue and social virtuous acts. Thus, humanitarianism is regarded as true value, and the values of a virtuous person who properly practices social human relationships are discussed. The real worth of Gunja image is discussed as a true human image of "self-completion and completion of all things" (成己成物) which involves the convergence of truth, good and beauty where there is a sense of harmony and balance, where there is stern self discipline and self cultivation and where win-win values of human relationships are created. Confucian saint (聖人), wise man (賢人), great man (大人), and gentleman (君子) mean social leaders. They practice human morals, enlighten and beautify society with teachings, and are indicated as equipped with mental and material harmony, good character and competence, and economic power and morality. People today pursue their own personal growth according to their material preferences rather than pure intellectual cultural values, and are engrossed in visually beautiful external unlimited competition. In this digital age, we are supposed to demonstrate our individuality, but many people are obsessed with appearance, go on severe diet, and lose their health beauty, and consequently suffer mental stress. This trend fuels obsession with appearance and the sick practice of valuing appearance. As an alternative method to overcome this phenomenon, we need a leader image with the convergence of truth, good and beauty, which is characterized by internal self cultivation, external professionalism, and handsome and solid character. Confucian thoughts consist in practicing the Way of disciplining oneself for governing others (修己治人). Self discipline involves developing personal virtuous ability for cultivating a virtuous character, and governing others involves interacting to work together in society and to have right human relationships. Thus, leaders should impress not only themselves but also others. Self discipline for governing others means cultivating virtue for oneself and leading others. A true leader has self introspection and establishes himself through self discipline so that he can govern others or reach the realm of settling others where people live together. As all things have a value and a virtue, humans endeavor to cultivate character and virtue by learning and studying for securing their professionalism, reliability, character and ability, so as to create their own brand value. Personal character does not come from a high position, wealth and power. Character is a personal virtue, and is cultivated as immaculate and fresh through self discipline. As such, it well matches with a clean and clear spirit. This offers the ideal leader as the Guja image who has an extremely humane character, as well as being equipped with inherent virtues of intellect, benevolence and courage. Self development can foster virtue and self management through self leadership and self discipline. The leader in the relationship area can practice his virtue through virtuous acts, in other words, even think from another person's perspective. Such leader is mentioned as the principle of measuring square in the Great Learning. In our viewpoint, the beauty of character can breed the seed of virtue through intellect, benevolence and courage, the beauty of win-win can realize the right virtue by showing exemplary acts to others through considerateness, and the beauty of harmony can love and care for others like me through the principle of measuring square, thereby realizing the universal principle of virtue and harmony, which is like my mind. As such, the ideal leader, when his virtue and mind of being considerate of others all blending well, can exercise his ability to the full, can live together and coexist with many people, and can grow again into a triumphant relationship.