• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.383-406
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• 2014

Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon (1513~1577) considered poetry as a part of his life. Therefore, this writer specifically focused on Mi-Am Yu Hee Choon's Chinese poems. The following is the conclusion from the materials discussed in this article. Mi-Am tried to understand literature in ethical perspective. The number of Chinese poems composed by Mi-Am is estimated to be about 300, and the number of pieces that this writer could find was 285. Also, Mi-Am took poem composition seriously, and put emphasis on content more than structure. Among Go Shi, Yul Shi, and Jul gu, Jul gu (especially Chil Un) is the largest in quantity, and it is presumed that he preferred Chil(seven) Un over Oh(five) Un. With regards to Go Shi, there are relatively many Jeon-Go. With regards to Jul gu, which was a poetry composing structure that Mi-Am could make the best use of, they were mostly about the daily lives. And with regards to Yul Shi, there were many poems that expressed his feelings about the real world and self-examination. Mi-Am's poems can be categorized into ones that he wrote when he was on exile, and ones that he wrote while serving for the king again after he got released from exile. During the exile period, self-discipline through learning, friendship, and love for the people were the main themes of his poems, and after being released and started serving for the king again, his poems were mostly about loyalty to the king, interaction with acquaintances, emotions, ancestor worship, self-examination, and conjugal affection through literary communion. Among Mi-Am's poems, there are many that have Eum Song Cha Un included in their titles, and the mainstream of his poems were related to daily lives or experiences. Also, most of them naturally and calmly expressed the fact itself without exaggerating. Mi-Am considered poetry as a part of his life and the fact that he practiced literary communion with his wife by writing poems about the ordinary things happened between him and his wife, Song Duk Bong, is worthy of notice.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.349-386
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• 2014

Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.273-280
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• 2021

GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.1-28
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• 2019

Theories on the nature of the mind aim to accurately describe the nature of the human mind. In other words, these theories are meant to discover what the human mind ultimately is and what its nature is. In this study, I try to understand the theory of the nature of the mind in Daesoon Jinrihoe in connection to similar theories in Confucianism. Like in Confucianism, the issue of mind is an important subject in Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of 'mind' as presented in 'The Jeon-Gyeong' is connected to gods. But in 'The Jeon-Gyeong,' there is no premise that the mind is good or evil. It suggests that the mind is the center of humanity and the universe and that all things depend on the mind. Therefore it is understood that good and evil are revealed according to the actions of the mind. Conscience (良心) and self-interest (私心) are mentioned in 'Essentials of Daesoon Jinrihoe'. If conscience is understood as benevolence (仁) as spoken of by Confucius, or as Moral Knowledge in Mencius's usage, more advanced discussion can be made. If looked upon in that way, one can conclude that conscience is the nature of the mind and thereby, the nature of humans and their minds is good. Discussions on the nature of the mind can also be explained in relation to the concept of 'a Singularly-focused Mind (一心)', which was frequently emphasized by Jeungsan. The two mindsets of conscience and self-interest are mentioned, but the original mind is only conscience which exists as the nature of heaven (天性). Self-interest is nothing but an illusion. As Zhu Xi explained that even if a saint (聖人) thought of utterly nothing, he would became a madman, and therefore people should look closely and realize that self-interest is nothing but a delusion. Accordingly, when returning to one's conscience, the orignal state of a singularly-focused mind, it becomes the sort of Singularly-focused Mind that Jeungsan emphasized. In other words, self-interest is a form of greed that is born out of worldly desires.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.21-29
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• 2023

The Northern Song Dynasty, the heyday of cultural and artistic achievements, brought significant changes to the history of gardens in China. The developments and contemplations that had evolved during the previous Tang Dynasty became intertwined with literature, painting, and art, leading to garden being perceived as works of art. In particular, the emergence of Su Shi(蘇軾) that permeated literature and art during the Northern Song Dynasty, had an impact beyond individual garden creation, influencing the development of public gardens and the diversification of garden. His long exile periods served as an opportunity to understand and reflect the local culture and characteristics, influencing the development of the garden. This study focuses on the ideology of Su Shi(蘇軾) that managed various gardens, examining the relationship between his exlie life and ideology. To do so, the study examines the form of the literati's gardens managed by Su Shi(蘇軾), with a particular emphasis on the Baiheju(白鶴居) garden in Huizhou, revealing the following characteristics and values. First, Su Shi(蘇軾), who was proficient in the Three Houses: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, combined his philosophy and unique perspective techniques with the location and composition elements of Baiheju(白鶴居) to enjoy the landscape. Although the ancient residence has a simple form, it possesses expansiveness through the combination of internal and external views. The interior is designed to be perceived as a single space, but it allows overlapping experiences of space and simultaneous appreciation of different sceneries. On the other hand, the spatial layout incorporates a hierarchical order to establish a sense of order. Second, the garden reflects the local characteristics, featuring numerous tropical plants and presenting vibrant and contrasting colors with structures. The planting forms embrace the concept of "huosei seikou" (活色生香) to enhance the color harmoniously. Additionally, the garden incorporates the poet's spiritual world, projecting it onto the garden as a contemplative place for spiritual nourishment and exploration of the ideal realm. For the pursuit of serenity and profound contemplation, the selected plantings are simple yet distinctive, providing rhythm and depth to the garden space. Third, Baiheju(白鶴居) has undergone changes over the years, but fundamentally, the form and elements of the garden shaped by Su Shi(蘇軾)'s descendants persist, confirming its heritage value.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.259-264
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• 2002

DK 754S, a forage corn hybrid is bred by Dekalb plant Genetics Co.. Garst 8255 by Garst Seeds Co., and GW 737 by Crosbyton Co. in US, respectively. These have been tested in Suwon and Chonan for 3 years to test their regional yield trial. In result, we were able to confirm the excellence of above cultivars and these were selected as new recommended cultivars April of 2002 by NACF. The characteristics of these cultivars are as follows ; 1. DK 7545 a. This cultivar is mid-late maturing, high quality, high yielding forage corn hybrid. Its mean tasseling date is the 11th of July. It takes 78 days from emergence to tasseling date, which is almost same with Kwanganok. The culm length and the ear height are 231 cm and 127 cm. It is relatively strong to lodging. b. The color of ear is yellow, the number of ear row is nineteen. DK 7545 shows strength to H maydis and MBSDV has occurred between 0% and 4.1% in Chonan test area but it still does not affect yielding at all. It is relatively resistant to corn borer and its stay green is almost same level comparing to a check hybrid, Kwanganok. c. Dry matter yield of this cultivar is 19.6 tons, TDN is 13.4 tons per a ha, therefore these hybrids are increased by from 6 to 9% comparing to Kwanganok. The percent ear among total dry matters yield is 43.7%. 2. Garst 8255 a. This hybrid is mid-late maturing, high quality, high yielding forage corn like as Kwanganok. Its the mean tasseling date and the period from emergence to tasseling date are almost same with a check hybrid, Kwanganok. The Culm length and the ear height are 259 cm, and 146 cm which are tall. It resists to lodging and shows excellence of stay green. b. Garst 8285 resists to H maydis, and MBSDV, and corn borer as much as Kwanganok has. c. Dry matter yield of this cultivar is 21,735 kg. TDN is 14,627 kg per a ha, therefore this is increased by 21%, 16%, respectively, comparing to a check hybrid, Kwanganok. The percent ear among total dry matters yield is 44.2%. 3. GW 737 a. This hybrid is mid-late maturing, high quality, high yielding forage com hybrid like as Kwanganok. Its mean tasseling date is 13th of July which is 2 days late comparing with a check hybrid, Kwanganok and the period from emergence to tasseling date is 80 days. b. The culm length and the ear height are 274 cm and 150 cm, which are tall. It resists to lodging moderately and shows excellence of stay green. c. GW 737 resists to H maydis and MBSDV very well, corn borer moderately resistance. d. Dry matter yield of this cultivar is 18,025kg, TDN 15,164kg per a ha, therefore this hybrid remarkably increased by 26%, 20%, respectively, comparing to a check hybrid, Kwanganok.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.145-154
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• 2007

Purpose : Rotavirus is one of the most important etiologic agents of nosocomial infections among the neonates. This study was designed to investigate nosocomial rotavirus infection in neonates who were admitted to a postpartum-care center after birth. Methods : From March 2005 to September 2006, 957 healthy neonates were examined for rotavirus antigen in stool by immunochromatographic method and 216 neonates were rotavirus antigen positive within 24 hours after admitted to a postpartum-care center. We reviewed the nursing charts retrospectively such as characteristics, monthly distribution, birth hospitals, delivery methods, feeding types and clinical manifestations. Results : Among 957 neonates, 216 neonates (22.6%) were rotavirus antigen positive and there were no differences in sex, birth weight, gestational age. Monthly positive rate of rotavirus antigen showed diversity from 10% to 36%. According to birth hospitals, positive rate showed diversity from 3.5% to 53.6%. Out of 957 neonates, 655 cases (68.4%) were born of vaginal delivery and mean hospitalized duration was 2.4 days, 302 cases (31.6%) were born of cesarean section and mean hospitalized duration was 5.7 days. 17.6% of vaginal delivery and 33.4% of cesarean section were rotavirus antigen positive. The positive rate was higher in neonates by cesarean section than vaginal delivery (P<0.001). According to feeding types, positive rate of rotavirus antigen was lower in breast-fed group than formula-fed group (P<0.001). Proportion of symptomatic case among rotavirus antigen positive was 34.7%. Most common clinical manifestation was diarrhea (61.3%), following poor feeding (45.3%), fever (40.0%), vomiting (25.3%), delayed weight gain (12.0%), and decreased urine amount (5.3%). Conclusion : Some neonates were already infected before admission to a postpartum-care center. Without meticulous management, nosocomial rotavirus infection would transmit rapidly in a postpartum-care center spreading to the community. Recommendation of breast-feeding, routine rotavirus screeing test with or without symptom, and isolation of all rotavirus antigen positive neonates in a postpartum-care center seem to be necessary. Also attentive hygiene education and further investigations of rotavirus infection in a postpartum-care center would be needed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.39-49
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• 2018

"Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" is a book recording the Joseon Dynasty's historical facts in an annalistic format. The King's amusement activities through "Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" which were established by the Ye-ak(禮樂) system were analyzed. The results are as follows. The king's amusement activities that were performed during the Joseon Dynasty period could be classified as state banquets, military banquets, and banquets for play. The analysis of the king's amusement activity was divided into five stages. The characteristic of [1 period : King Taejo~Sejo(Yejong)] was dominated the military banquets of the Goryeo Dynasty. Neo-Confucianism is the establishment of political and social turning of the ballast, considerations of military culture, culture, and Hoeryeyeon Jinpungjeong, a cloud of dust and elders banquets such as Giroyeon and Yangnoyeon on the nature of the party. A lasting ordinance was institutionalized[2 period : King Seongjong~Jungjong]. In the chopper and jeongyujaeran, Hong Kyung Rae led a royal amusement activities are stagnant, often produce isolated storage compute in the gloomy situation[3 period : King Injong~Hyeonjong]. Revival period is pride of the amusement activity through the culture of Joseon Dynasty royal culture [4 period : King Sukjong~Jeongjo]. The throne, crashed due to political power is an ebb of royal amusement activities, while also rapidly waning[5 period : King Seonjo~Seonjong]. During the early Joseon Dynasty, hunting took place around the forest area northeast of Hanyang and during King Seongjong's period, it took place closer to the capital city, while in Lord Yeonsan's period, it was expanded to a 39 kilometer radius area from the palace, and banquets such as various forms of entertainment of Cheoyongmu, and Flower-viewing. The Joseon kings who enjoyed hunting were King Sejong, Sejo, Seongjong, Yeonsan, and Jungjong. Most of hunting objects were tigers, bears, deer and roe deer, leopards, boars, their animals and falconry took, and the purpose of the hunting was to perform ancestral rites to the royal ancestry or the royal tombs. Lord Yeonsan's hunting activities had negative effects after King Jungjong the king's hunting activity decreased sharply. However, there were also positive aspects of Lord Yeonsan's Prohibition of cutting woods ect. In conclusion, the expansion of the King's garden(庭:courtyard${\rightarrow}$園:privacy garden${\rightarrow}$苑:king's garden${\rightarrow}$苑?:national hunting park) is evident which starts from formal and informal activities that took place in Oejo, Chijo, and Yeonjo, which went further to the separate and secret gardens, and then even further, thus setting the amusement activity area as a 39 kilometer radius range from Hanyang.