• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.14-22
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• 2012

The position, size and landscape of the former Donam SeoWon as well as the physical organization of the old site, are studied to extract data for the enhancement of the authenticity of Donam SeoWon since its registration as a world heritage site. The results are as follows. The 'Donam(豚巖)' encaved rock, the tombstone of teacher Sagye(沙溪), Kimjipsadang(金集祠堂), the head of the Gwangsan Kim family, the Sagye stream in front of them, and the Gyeryong and Daedun mountains in the distance are united in the former Donam SeoWon as landscape elements that clearly show the characteristics of the former site, which was called 'Donam-Wollim(豚巖園林).' Moreover Yangseongdangsipyoung(養性堂十詠), adds the garden elements of a medical herb field, twins pond, a bamboo forest, a school, and a peach field. On this site, one can also engage in activities that are related to the land and are closely related to Neo-Confucianism such as fish watching, conferencing, visit in seclusion(訪隱), looking for monks, and overseeing farming. The former site facing east is assumed to have Sau(祠宇) - Eungdodang(凝道堂) - Ipdeokmum(入德門) - Sanangru(山仰樓: estimated). Jeonsacheong seems to have been located to the left of the Sau area, Yangseongdang, which contained upper and lower twin lotus ponds, on the right and was surrounded by various plants. As it has been used as a lecture hall for the past 250 years, the former Donam SeoWon, located 1.8km away from the current area, must be preserved, and the landscape should be formed to establish the authenticity of Donam SeoWon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-36
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to infer the aspects and significance of Musa basjoo of latter part of Chosun Dynasty by analyzing the planting tendency and planting location of Musa basjoos drawn in total 77 old paintings and the characteristics of the paintings where Musa basjoos appeared, while trying to understand symbolic meanings of floral languages as well as the images and significance of Musa basjoos which appeared in the prose and poetry of Chosun Dynasty, and the results are as follows; With its floral languages of 'waiting', 'parting' and 'beauty', Musa basjoo represented the wealth and resuscitation and it aroused the elegance of hermits in its Taoistic sense. And it also represented 'the unworldliness to get out of transient human affairs' in its Buddhistic sense. Musa basjoos which appeared in 'Garden Custom Painting(庭園雅集圖)', 'Gosa Figure Painting(故事人物圖)' and 'Gyehoe Painting(契會圖)' is considered a device to increase the unworldly atmosphere of gardens and to dignify the elegant meetings of scholars, reflected by the high appearance frequencies of cranes and deer. And it seems that the meaning of Musa basjoo in certain paintings like 'Life-time Paintings(平生圖)', 'Castle City Painting(盛市圖), and 'Cultivating and Weaving Painting(耕織圖)' is an aspiration for wealth and prosperity, and the Musa basjoos planted in temples are considered to have symbolic meanings of aspiration for 'Salvation through Belief' as well as a unworldly meaning which reminds the transiency of human affairs. In addition, the expected effect of experiencing 'the sound of rain falling on the leaves of Musa basjoo' has been pursued, which can be confirmed by the fact that Firmiana simlex with wide leaves similar to Musa basjoo can be frequently spotted near the houses. Meanwhile, Musa basjoos seem to have been planted mainly in front garden or side garden around detached house and Musa basjoos inside the houses seem to have been planted mainly in right side when viewed from the entrance, in relation with the location of bedrooms where it is easier to hear the sounds from the right side of the environment. And the paintings where Musa basjoos appear with strange rocks and bizarre stones among other things have greater part of all the paintings, which is considered a kind of intentional landscaping and a product of mixed materials for elegant appreciation. And the major characters of the painting were involved in the activities of scholars such as arts, and the activities of minor characters were greatly related to their everyday lives. Musa basjoo of Chosun Dynasty in $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century was one of the symbols necessary for description of gardens. And it provided the images of rainy scenes together with scholar culture which had a meaning of self-discipline, and it is assumed that the planting of Musa basjoo with the spirit of cease lessen deavor of a new leaf pushing up the tree and the spirit of resuscitation had the same trace of wheels in the city space of our country as the decline of scholar culture of Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.321-350
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to identify the difference between Sangsan-Simhak(象山心學) and Yangming-Simhak(陽明心學). This means that the whole history of Sung Confucianism needs to be understood based on changing philosophical paradigm according to the times, not general perception which regards the whole history of Sung Confucianism as Li-Hak (理學) and Sim-Hak(心學). This kind of perception is caused by the general perception which divides Sung Confucianism into Sim-Hak and Li-Hak. We regard the former as Chung-Chu study and the latter as Liu-Yang study. Because of this, Sangsan study is recognized as the former stage study of Yangming study and can not be placed in independent position in whole history of Sung Confucianism. And Sang is regarded that it takes diametrical opposition with Chuhsi study. So it is said that there is no point of sameness among them. But Sangsan study was generated from 'Song-Hak(宋學)' based on paradigm of Li-Hak and Yangming study was generated from 'Ming-Hak(明學)' based on paradigm of Sim-Hak. The difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' is generated from proposition called 'Sim is Li (心卽理)' that most research has overlooked. To identify these things, this paper examine the philosophical difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' and analyze the proposition 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' that regards Sangsan study and Yangming study as same philosophical system. And this paper identify the philosophical difference between Sangsan study and Yangming study by examining the method that the concept of 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' is applied in moral cultivation. This paper shows that the difference of interpretation about the concept of Li(理), between 'Song-Hak' based on Li paradigm and 'Ming-Hak' based on Ki-Hak(氣學) paradigm, causes different meaning in 'Sim is Li(心卽理)'. Through these, this paper demonstrate the difference between the paradigm of 'Song-Hak' that Chuhsi study and Sangsan study have and the paradigm of 'Ming-Hak' that Yangming study has and the fact which Sangsan study is systematic philosophy of Sung Confucianism in itself not former stage of Yangming study.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.37-74
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• 2016

Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.1-46
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• 2021

Since ancient times, the word Deok (德, virtue) has been used as a term in ethics. In the east, it originally meant 'to acquire (得),' and during the warring states period, it was used to indicate 'personality' or 'value;' especially for political leaders. Then, in Confucianism, the word Deok developed into an ethical term suggesting that people should acquire Deok in their action so as to achieve human perfection. In Daesoon Thought, Deok originates from the Dao, and the two are close in the same manner that Yin and Yang are close and interrelated. The Dao of Daesoon Thought indicates the Great Dao of Heaven and Earth, which Gucheon Sangje had opened when he performed his Gongbu (holy work) at Daewonsa Temple, is such that the Great Deok was divided into the Deok of Heaven, the Deok of Earth, and the Deok of Humanity. This allows for the realization of Deok in each of the Three Realms. Jo Jeongsan, the successor of Gucheon Sangje, said that he will inherit the Great Deok originated from the Great Dao and enlighten the world to the Dao. The cause of the accumulation of grievances in the Three Realms was due to the failure to sufficiently spread Deok throughout the Three Realms. The Later World is where Deok will be offered in its full extent as it was secured by the Cheonjigongsa (Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth) performed by Gucheon Sangje. However, as the main agent of spreading Deok is the heart-mind, humans need to cultivate their heart-mind in the correct way. When humans finally become Dotong-gunja (beings who are perfectly unified with the Dao) and generously practice Deok in the world, there will be no grievances anywhere in the Three Realms. There are four ways of practicing Deok: Deok by caring for life, Eondeok (Deok of speech), Gongdeok (practicing meritorious Deok), and Podeok (spreading of Deok) to the world. Practicing the Deok by caring for life is to save and protect living beings based on the spirit of Jesaenguise (saving lives and curing the world). Eondeok is practiced when people speak to others in a positive way that fosters widespread goodness based on the spirit of Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence). When people perform Gongdeok they will be rewarded for their actions. Podeok can be realized when the followers of Sangje spread the Great Dao of Heaven and Earth based on the teachings of Daesoon Thought.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.51
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• pp.235-278
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• 2017

Then, why was the system so thorough and strict? How could that be possible? I approached this question by explaining the task of the Joseon Dynasty for the construction of a Confucian community based on Sunglihak. Sunglihak meant the metaphysics of human nature and universe order, or the rule of heaven. The people who opened the Joseon Dynasty aimed at constructing a Confucian community based on propriety as the principle of the society. The records and archives played an administrative function, for example, controlling royal power, as well as the role of constructing a national community identity based on Sunglihak. This kind of records and records management practices of the Joseon Dynasty can be seen as conceptual construction and conceptual constructs, although they were physical entities in reality. They reflected the Sunglihak value system as, in the words of Michel Focault, an "episteme" and played a social role based on it. In particular, I explained it in light of the constructivism of Sunglihak and the semiosis concept of Charles Sanders Peirce.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.371-393
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• 2018

Jeong Yak-yong attempted to establish a new philosophical system through the criticism on Neo-Confucianism. The most important area among the ideas of Dasan is on the ethical thoughts. He has a tremendous interest in the ethical education as well as ethical thought. During his exile, he gathered children around and educated them by editing "Jegyeong(弟經)". Dasan regarded "Sohak(小學)" to have some problems in educating children. Thus, he reconstructed the contents of "Sohak" and edited "Jegyeong". "Jegyeong" is more concise than Sohak and is a textbook focusing on children which is mainly composed of practical etiquette in the everyday life. It contains etiquettes to parents, teachers and adults, etiquettes on food in the everyday life and etiquettes between men and women. Although the contents does not exceed the scope of Sohak, he selected reasonable contents and composed with practical contents. Thus, it is practical. Dasan also attempted to make a novel interpretation on Saseo (四書), i.e., Noneo, Maengja, Daehak and Jungyong. His new interpretation on Saseo can be considered as ethical textbooks in a broad sense. Dasan considered the key ethical principle of Saseo (四書) to be Seo (恕). Accordingly, he thought it is very important to understand and practice ethical principle of Seo (恕). Dasan studied and annotated "Simgyeong(心經)" and "Sohak(小學)" for self moral discipline. And, he thought it is utmost important to understand and accept the existence of Sangje (上帝) in order to keep moral mind. He believed it to be important to have Gyesingonggu (戒愼恐懼), which is to aware and respect the existence of Sangje (god) for self discipline and Sindok (愼獨) to be cautious about things that only he was aware of. He thought that if people are aware of Sangje (上帝) and make dialog with Sangje, the will of Sangje could be expressed into Dosim (道心). In the ethical education, it can be said that, ultimately, the awareness on the absolute being is the most important point to Dasan.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.287-312
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• 2018

Confucianism which pursues the right relationship between person and person, depicts the ideal that moral individuals contribute to community development. In the 16th century, Toegye Yi Hwang, the authority of Korean Confucianism, reflected his educational intentions and interests and made the whole of the body of Confucianism and the whole process of the study into a series of 10 paintings 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning'. The purpose of the education which is claimed in the 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is to become a saint, and it ultimately coincides with the purpose of moral education which is to be introspective and practical moral man. The whole theme of 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is related to revealing the principles of humanity and morality in order to restore human nature on the basis of piety. Piety(敬) is also a purpose and a method of self-discipline, and is the main content. The method of education for traditional confucianism is aiming for the organic integration of purpose, content and method of education and reveals the consistency of the combination of knowledge and behavior in content and method. Exploring the universal value of traditional culture and re-raising moral culture that is important in traditional education is to discuss that what is valid for the present and the future is derived from the past tradition. That may be useful in solving today's educational problems. Especially, it is very meaningful to adopt a reflective approach to cultivate talented people who can 'realize oneself' and 'care for the community' which is the ultimate goal of education through analyzing the essence of moral education pursued by traditional education.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.63-84
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• 2009

I analyzed about the Ruyi(儒醫)'s mind on this article. Ruyi led and Nei-Jing (內經)'s Xin(心)-Shen(神)-Qingzhi(情志) it developed a medical theory. Qingzhi comes true confucianism aims became the good tool. Junhuo(君火)-Xianghuo(相火) for them to apply medically. Junhuo-Xianghuo is a possibility of seeking a ground from Nei-Jing. Junhuo governs all body and Xianghuo takes charge of the role which raises the body. It is to divide huo(火)with relationship of the king and the liege man. After Yuan-dynasty(元代) Ruyi medical sciences grasped Junhuo-Xianghuo with confucianism structures. The representative scholar is Zhu zhen-heng(朱震亨). I analyzed Zhu's Junhuo-Xianghuo. Xin-huo rules over the body. For expression of active Chi, it set the dual structure-'Junhuo-Xianghuo'. And it divided Junhuo from desire and sentiment. And Zhu zhen-heng attempted Taoism and medical science and Confucianism from the process under integrating. And analyzed Junhuo-Xianghuo Confucianism meaning. With Junhuo-Xianghuo and Confucianism described a relationship in the Zhu zhen-heng's theory. Finally view of Ruyi, medical science is the method of confucianism aims comes true.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.349-386
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• 2014

Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.