• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.12
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• pp.364-371
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• 2018

In the 1960s, both South and North Korea needed to stabilize their regimes, and propaganda films were at the core of establishing this purpose. South Korea claimed legitimacy of a military government and called for service to fulfill the government's mission of the era, while North Korea emphasized the impeccability of their leader and the superiority of their socialist system. This study investigates image reproduction strategies used in South and North Korean propaganda films at the time under the context of domestic and foreign environments in the 1960s. First, South and North Korea portrayed their rulers as a strong leader and friendly leader, respectively, to establish legitimacy. Second, South and North Korea tried to image the same incident from different views in order to instill the spirit of age defined from their own perspectives. Third, propaganda films at the time portrayed desirable images of citizens (people) and visualized a flawless government. Authoritarian governments in South and North Korea in the 1960s facilitated the establishment of the so-called official society through propaganda films.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.99-130
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• 2021

This paper examines printed materials such as weekly newsletters and leaflets issued by Dansungsa, a movie theater in Colonial Korea for a promotional purpose as independent modern media. During the 1920s and 1930s, in tandem with the development of the incipient printing houses in Namchon, Gyeongseong, including Suyeongsa, Dansungsa published promotional prints including weekly newsletters and leaflets in a serial manner to compete with Joseon-gukjang and Umigwan. As these materials contain various information including movie programmes, spectatorship, distributional channels, and promotional strategies that bears witness to theater culture of this time, this paper focuses on the dynamics where not only text and image but also audiences and filmic texts are mediated one another. To this end, the paper has three objectives. First, I argue that weekly newsletters and leaflets can be considered as 'flickering media' that meddles in text and image culture. Second, Dansungsa's promotional prints interpellated film audiences as a loyal fan group while mediating audiences and filmic texts. In doing so, I suggest that these print materials established its own cultural domain differentiated from filmic culture itself. Third, these ephemeral materials contributed to narrowing the gap between colonial Joseon and the World in its imaginary geography through the function of mediation.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.6
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• pp.1407-1415
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• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.15
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• pp.49-71
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• 2009

This study analyzes Kureougy Balmyungwang (Prankster Invention King), produced by Chung-ki Kim in 1984. [Prankster Invention King (Kureougy Balmyungwang)] has been known as science education film. However, around the time this film was produced in 1980s in South Korea, Science and Technology is basis for development of nation driven by military dictatorship for increasing national welfare and individual capability. In this regards, Kureougy Balmyungwang (Prankster Invention King) is an animated movie not only about education and science, but also a propaganda describing children making every effort to develop their country by scientific research. In this regards, this film is in accordance with Director Kim's other animated films such as General Toli, who also served for the government, advertising its policy. This article compares and analyzes Kureougy Balmyungwang (Prankster Invention King) with various propaganda works after World War I, to clarify the propaganda characteristic and contemplate the contemporary meaning of this work.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.40
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• pp.83-107
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• 2015

Propaganda is often accepted as the political promotion that had used mostly by the socialist states during the First and the Second World Wars and the Cold War and by Hitler who governed Germany. Therefore, cases of the study on the image and picture propaganda were mostly posters or films of the socialism period when the propaganda was active. However, today it is not easy any more to find propaganda of the clear promotion characteristic as the past. In these modern times, it has changed into metaphorical propaganda based on 'persuasion', rather than publicity like past. Therefore, it has been changing from the direct promotion of the past into the indirect persuasion; and from the raw, direct and powerful publicity and claim into the soft and metaphorical persuasion and appeal. Thus, investigating again the contemporary propaganda will be an important element in analyzing contemporary images. The animation, selected as a target of the analysis of propaganda, exists in various ways in various images of the modern times, which is not too much to say that today's society is the television society. Besides, the animation is the image that can cover all ages as men and women of all ages can watch, so it is proper for analysis of the contemporary propaganda of metaphorical, indirect and various forms.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.982-991
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• 2006

The screen quota system is one of the most controversial issues in the Korean film industry. There are two different points of view regarding the system. Some say it is highly effective to protect and nurture Korean movies. However, others argue that it hurts the duality of the Korean movies. The number of days, for which Korean movies have to play on local screens, has been reduced to 73, starting on July 1st, 2006. Actually, it is 50 percent fewer than the previous year. In facL Korea has implemented the screen quota. system two times. First, it was practiced from 1935 to 1945, during the Japanese colonial period. This was to regulate imported movies, especially American ones, as the Japanese government was to use movies for the political propaganda. In 1935, the number of foreign movies screened had to be less than three fourths of the total. And they gradually reduced the size by two thirds in 1936, and again by half in 1937. After the attack on Pearl Harbor when the Pacific War happened, Japan completely banned importing American movies in Korea. The reason why it regulated the imported foreign films is to increase the number of domestic movies, both Japanese and Korean. It was for making propaganda films fur carrying the war. The second practice of the screen quota is from 1967 to the present year. It was designed to boom the Korean film industry. However, the competitive power of Korean films has not been improved in spite of the practice of the system. Moreover, the film industry has gone through the depression. Korean film agencies have occupied the Korean film market thanks to the protection by government. The founding of the film agencies has been strongly regulated. So has importing foreign movies. Under the special protection like this, Korean film agencies have been enjoying the monopoly In the mean time, they have pursued income not by making quality movies but by importing foreign movies. As a result, cinema audiences turn away form Korean films and prefer foreign movies. Furthermore, the screen quota system hurts the relationship between film producers and distributors, imposing the duties only on theaters. In short, the screen quota system has satisfied neither film producers, theater runners, nor film goers. In other words. the excessive protection has weakened the competitive power of Korean film industry.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.76-87
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• 2014

Until 2000, there were only eight female directors in Korean film history; however, the number of female directors has increased with the number of new movies made and the entrance of new directors. In 2007, there were about seven new female directors and in 2009, there were released 13 movies directed by female. Even though the number of new movies and new entrants of female directors has augmented, the percentage of movies directed by female directors is about 5% of released Korean movies during the past ten years. Moreover, those female directors who enter the Korean film industry are mostly concentrated in low budget independent films. Yet, female directors have been continuously searching and challenging in order to find a way to communicate with general populations. As a result, recently female directors have been noticed in thriller films. This report will analyze how the thriller films directed by female directors have evolved since 2000 based on the status of female directors in commercial films. The report will analyze two thriller films "Helpless" and "Perfect Number", released in 2012.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.9
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• pp.137-145
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• 2010

Many research works are actively being done due to the 3D contents production technology for global competition through the world. In korea, many experts have taken notice of high quality 3D movies produced by Hollywood. Recently, 3D movie "Avatar" advanced 3D computer graphics based digital production technology is heavily influencing the contents industry in global market. Therefore, In this paper, the success factor of "Avatar"has to be analyzed. Also, the analysis of 3D contents production environment of the domestic and Hollywood is performed. Based on that, we analyzed the factors of threat and opportunity of the Korean 3D contents. Also, Based on the statistical data analysis of the korean film commission, favorable reactions of the korean movie and the government's powerful policy direction, we proposed the successful possibility of the korean 3D contents.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-98
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• 2021

This paper examines the ways in which Hollywood feature films produced and widely circulated with the establishment of the studio system was consumed in the ethnically segregated Korean movie theaters in Kyǒngsǒng in the 1920s. Focusing on how those theaters appropriated what Hollywood represented, this paper has three objectives. First, from a historical and economic perspective, I will historicize the emergence of so-called prestige pictures and how movies became a branded product in that process. Second, I will also loot at how Chosǒn Theater, one of the earliest movie theaters in the Korean-resident area in Kyǒngsǒng who sought to be a prestigious movie palace actively exploited Hollywood brand, by foregrounding its Paramount connection, in particular. Lastly, through a close reading of weekly programmes and handbills, I will examine how these promotional print materials, as an intermediating medium, helped to supplement the audiences' viewing of Hollywood movies while creating loyal audiences.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.5 no.2 s.10
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• pp.69-95
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• 2005

Eunsa Memorial Science Museum is a political space to justify ruling colony. Japanese imperialism made use of science museum in ruling colony under the cloak of propagating science thoughts. The science museums made it natural to rule the inferior Joseon(Korea) by bring the concept of 'Great Science Empire' into relief. The exhibition, lecture, experiment and science movies propagated those colonial ruling ideology. This transplantation of the colonial science museumraised the following problems. First, the science museum was used as means for the propagation of political power. All the aspects of the architecture, exhibition, and operation of the colonial science museum propagated and supported the direction of political authority, and furthermore planted a rosy phantasm of 'Development' and 'Progression' into the colony. Second, The science technology of science museum was treated as 'Result' and 'Instrument'. Japanese imperialism denied that the science is a historical and cultural staple product; it instilled only the 'Instrumental Rationality' in the colony. Third, the science technology dealt in the colonial science museum was below the level. What they educated and set forth as domestic science was to cultivate the laborers people for the political power by internalizing modernistic discipline.