• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.4
• /
• pp.77-114
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
• /
• v.12 no.8
• /
• pp.253-262
• /
• 2023

E-voting is a concept that includes actions such as kiosk voting at a designated place and internet voting at an unspecified place, and has emerged to alleviate the problem of consuming a lot of resources and costs when conducting offline voting. Using E-voting has many advantages over existing voting systems, such as increased efficiency in voting and ballot counting, reduced costs, increased voting rate, and reduced errors. However, centralized E-voting has not received attention in public elections and voting on corporate agendas because the results of voting cannot be trusted due to concerns about data forgery and modulation and hacking by others. In order to solve this problem, recently, by designing an E-voting system using blockchain, research has been actively conducted to supplement concepts lacking in existing E-voting, such as increasing the reliability of voting information and securing transparency. In this paper, we proposed an electronic voting system that introduced hybrid blockchain that uses public and private blockchains in convergence. A hybrid blockchain can solve the problem of slow transaction processing speed, expensive fee by using a private blockchain, and can supplement for the lack of transparency and data integrity of transactions through a public blockchain. In addition, the proposed system is implemented as BaaS to ensure the ease of type conversion and scalability of blockchain and to provide powerful computing power. BaaS is an abbreviation of Blockchain as a Service, which is one of the cloud computing technologies and means a service that provides a blockchain platform ans software through the internet. In this paper, in order to evaluate the feasibility, the proposed system and domestic and foreign electronic voting-related studies are compared and analyzed in terms of blockchain type, anonymity, verification process, smart contract, performance, and scalability.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
• /
• v.20 no.12
• /
• pp.135-143
• /
• 2022

This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.171-202
• /
• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.113-159
• /
• 2011

The self-segmentation of Seoin(西人) School and the appearance of Soron(少論) School in the 17th century Joseon society has an important meaning in the political history. Soron School(少論學派) had quite different line in their thought and public position from the Noron(老論) School represented by Song Shi-yeol. With such thought and position, Soron School added a vitality to the barren climate of Joseon intellectual society and soon became an important school of it. Especially, the senior leaders of early Soron School shared the culture of discussion and dialogue which was represented by the phrase, "the forest of debate and the hill of argument". Accordingly, Soron School could form an unique academic tradition which was different from other schools. For instance, Park Se-dang(朴世堂), Nam Gu-man(南九萬), Yoon Jeung(尹拯) and Park Se-chae(朴世采) had relatively flexible Conception of Heresy; which was in the same context with the academic position of Soron School that allowed diverse approaches to truth each as the path of justice. Furthermore, the leaders of Soron School continued dialogue and discussion on the wide range of current issues. They deeply sympathized with the Tangpyeong-ron(蕩平論), which was to appoint important government positions equally from multiple schools. They thought that the Tangpyeong-ron(蕩平論) was to avoid the harmful influence of conflicts between schools, the Bungdang(朋黨), and tried to tune and compromise the different opinions of different schools. In fact, the "Hwanggeuk Tangpyeong-ron" (皇極蕩平論) submitted by Park Se-chae was the summarization of the discussions shared by the Soron School leaders. Consequently, the seniors of Soron School practiced their philosophy that "the true academic practice is the communication" by keeping the dialogue with other schools while respecting the difference of each other, rather than staying comfortably in the closed academic fence of uniformity. Such communicative academic practice adopting discussion and dialogue had been succeeded to the second generation of Soron School and it remained as an unique academic tradition of Soron School.

• Iberoamérica
• /
• v.21 no.2
• /
• pp.83-114
• /
• 2019

Now Venezuela is the most attentional country in Latin America not only in our country but also all world. Unfortunately, the current crisis is a danger that threatening the venezuelan people's right to live, so most of the news is negative. Some analysts in Korea insist that everything is the result of invasion by US imperialism, others say it is a state of default due to excessive populism. The others also described as a power game of the powers of the world by the new Cold War. But most essential thing is that Sovereign of Venezuela, Venezuelan people are marginalized in this process. Venezuela's crisis seems to have been both a combination of internal and external factors, but internal factors been a main cause. The internal factors are the dictatorship and corruption of crony capitalism of nepotism which are considered historical ailments in Latin America. Chávez criticized the oligarchy, but paradoxically, the Chávezian or current ruling forces became another oligarchy. Unfortunately, Western powers such as the United States and the EU and Venezuela's current ruling powers are at an extreme confrontation, so can be seen using cliff-edge tactics. The best solution is the free and peaceful reelection of the president. After the patriarchal winter, which spring will come the Venezuelan people must decide.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.19 no.2
• /
• pp.1-56
• /
• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.32 no.4
• /
• pp.1-13
• /
• 2014

As part of reconsideration on naming of the scenic site No.1 "Myeongju Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang," this study attempts to identify whether there is any mistake with reference to place naming of Korea's No.1 scenic site and if so, to correct the problem by examining the origin of the name and its transition progress through analysis and interpretation of old maps, ancient documents such as traditional geographic books, Yusangi(遊山記) and Letters Carved on the Rocks. The findings of this study are as follows: In traditional geographic books, a term of 'Mt. Cheonghak(靑鶴山)' was first found from "SinjungDonggookyeojisungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and after a place name, 'Sogumgang(小金剛)' first appeared in "Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書)" in the middle of the 17th century, it was reproduced in "Jungsuimyeongji(增修臨瀛誌)", which was published in the early 20th century. However, as a result of analyzing old maps, the place name, Sogumgang cannot be found in any local or national map except place names such as Cheonghak-dong, Mt. Cheonghak and Temple Cheonghak. Even though 'Biseonam,' 'Cheonyudong,' 'Gyeongdam' and 'Mt. Cheonghak' appear in Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi(遊靑鶴山記)", any part in which 'Sogumgang' was referred is not found. Later, Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang seemed to had been called 'Mt. Cheonghak' or 'Cheonghak-dong(靑鶴洞)' for more than three centuries as seen in Lee Sun-il's "Godamilgo(孤潭逸稿)", Heo Geun's farewell records, Heo Mok's "Cheonghak-dong Guryongyeongi(靑鶴洞九龍淵記)", Yoon Sun-geo(尹宣擧)'s "Padongilgi(巴東日記)" and Lee Won-jo's letters and a poem composed by Gang Jae-hang in the middle of the 18th century is the only record in which the place name, 'Sogumgang' is shown. Meanwhile, 'Sogumgang' carved on Inung Rock(二能巖) in front of Temple Gumgang is presumed to be carved by Inunggyeoone(二能契員) in the 1870s or in 1930s, considering the size of each character, calligraphy, overall layout, wear extent and records in Jiriji. Therefore, no evidence can be found to say that each character of 'Sogumgang' was written by Yulgok because 'Sogumgang' has strong evidences of the origin of its place name. To sum up the findings stated above, since Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi", this place seems to have been referred as 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' and as it is confirmed that the place name, 'Sogumgang' first appeared in "Ohyeongosijo(五言古時調)" of "Ibjaeseonsangyugo(立齋先生遺稿)" and "Yeojidoseo" in the middle of the 18th century, it can be inferred that the place name, Sogumgang had been partly mingled as an another name of Mt. Cheonghak. Therefore, even though it is difficult to say the existing place name has a significant problem, it is thought that it will be better to name 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' rather than 'Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang' in order to stress on this place's traditional identity as a scenic site related to Yulgok. In addition, as confirmed in this study process, it is said that each character of place names, 'Mt. Cheonghak' and 'Gyeongdam(鏡潭)' and name 'Yoon Sun-geo' carved in Rock Sikdang stated in Yoon Sun-geo's "Padongilgi" in 1964 is a pledge showing the influence of "Yucheonghaksangi" as an ancient travel literature as well as a mark of the Giho school scholars' respect and spirit to honor Yulgok.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.26
• /
• pp.63-93
• /
• 2010

This document illustrates the culture of archives should be improved to get better in local autonomy. In 1994, the municipal elections were held to perform autonomous activities in Korea. It has been sixteen years, since the first municipal election had been held. The local autonomy can be accomplished well, based on the economic independence from the central government and growing awareness of locals. Not only that, if local records were well archived and suitably used, autonomy could be more active. However, since the independence from Japan in 1945, records of the self-government has not been archived well. Not only archives of local government have not been established, but also organization, budget and professional staff have not been arranged well. This brought about local records administration's inactive performance. As a result, numerous number of meaningful records are lost and people are difficult to make out the local administration policy. If the records of local government preserved well, administrative efficiency, responsibility, transparency can be realized in better way. When local officials' work experiences and achievements were on record and referred to a successor of officials properly, administrative efficiency would be highly promoted. In addition, with the well-preserved work records, people are able to see where the responsibility lies. A local autonomous entity might be able to obtain administrative transparency by showing administrative processes and results to locals to the public. In this manner, the premise to archive the records of local autonomous entity is to establish a department which can archive local records and the disposition of professional archivists. According to "the law on public archives management", the governor of a province should discuss with a minister of administration to set up plans for archives' establishment and management. In this way, local archives administration would work well, when not only the department of local records administration is established, but also the department of local archives places local records under their control at the same time. Moreover, based on active records movement, municipal officials and locals would realize the importance of local record and examine local records administration systems. Not only that, when local records are shown to public and utilized properly, the local autonomy would improve a lot.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.26 no.2
• /
• pp.47-68
• /
• 2020

Since the early 2000s, Korea has continued to increase the proportion of the elderly population due to low fertility and increased life expectancy. As a result, Korea has now entered the aging society. Because of this demographic change, proportion of active elderly have increased, and many academics, such as sociology, economics, and psychology, have conducted various studies on the active elderly. This study focused on active elderly based on the activity theory of old age and the positive effect of small community participation activity on the elderly. The purpose of this study is to examine whether active elderly' participation in everyday activities, small community participation of the elderly affect citizen participation actively in society as a citizen, and in the process, mediates the effect of small community cohesion and the moderating effect of small community selfishness. This study performed a stepwise regression analysis and a hierarchical regression analysis of 700 elderly people who are participated actively in various small communities. As a result, the partial mediating effect of small community cohesion was shown in the relationship between participation in everyday activities and citizen participation, and the moderating effect of small community selfishness was also shown. These findings suggest that government and interested parties need to develop and implement policies for the small community participation of elderly citizens in consideration of their small community activities, small community cohesion and small community egoism.