• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.281-312
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine various life conditions of actors of Joseon periods in unofficial historical stories. Yadam Literature(Korean unofficial historical stories) had been collected Sadaebu(the past Korean nobility and Confucian intelligentsia) among the people that stories had been handed down orally. and they had been wrote them. So Yadam Literature was heterozygous between the folk culture and the ruling class. And it was mixed and adapted legends and folktales, adding literary imagination. had a decisive role to cultivating novel that owed much to prosaic inspiration during A. D. 18~19. Besides, set a high value on excellent novel itself. Yadam Literature had a verisimilitude because it described a contemporary reality as it was founded on freely prosaic inspiration. In those days, so called Suchok and Seunggwangdae had performed Uhee(a comic theatrical performance) in Joseon periods. Suchok was the lowest class of people and Seunggwangdae was performing Buddhist monk in that time. Uhee had performed three kinds of comedies. One satirized and insinuated kings. Other satirized corrupt officials, too. Another had mimic everything. It is famous at that time as a king knew repertoire. Confucian scholars very were fond of Uhee in those ages. Because they favored a criticism of Uhee's satire. They thought that it gave people good lesson or instruction. Heri Bergson said that comic and Humor included lesson. At that time, those thought were universal in the world whether east or west. At any rate, I classify six kinds of types Uhee in Yadam Literature. First, satirizing and accusing corrupt officials. Second, an actor who use a satire in order to appeal secure a government position of his lord to a king. Third, shamans and actors who use a satire in order to appeal sufferings themselves to a king. Forth, actors and performing Buddhist monks that skillfully mimic anything. Fifth, describing actor's extremely miserable life. Sixth, wit and humor of actors. The contents of Uhee were various. Korean traditional actors adeptly dealt with aspects comic of wit, satire, humor, etc. Sometimes they used changeable transition them. By doing that, a great number of people enjoyed fully the sense of freedom. Korean traditional actors were the lowest class of people. They had lived extremely miserable life. But they had been exist as actions, interactions, and relationship in society those days. they were not only open to people, but also might foster community to peoples.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.10-39
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• 2023

Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.78-85
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• 1999

Purpose : Mycoplasma pneumoniae pneumonia has been to be developed frequently in school age children and adolescence and hard to see under 3 year-old children. But it seems to be increased in number of patients with Mycoplasma pneumoniae pneumonia under 3-year old in clinical practice in these days. We have aimed to examine the characteristics of clinical findings of Mycoplasma pneumonia under 3 year-old children. Methods : We had performed retrospective review of medical records of 30 patients with Mycoplasmal pneumonia under 3-year old children who admitted to Department of Pediatrics, Kyunghee University Hospital from Jan. 1994 to Dec. 1997. The diagnostic criteriae was Cold agglutinin titer>1:64 or Mycoplasma antibody titer>1:80. Results : Mycoplasmal pneumonia was 30 out of 235 cases(12.7%) of total pneumonia under 3 year old children. Male female ratio was 1.3 : 1 and age distributions were 0~1y : 0, 1~2y : 8, 2~3y : 22 cases. Clinical symptoms and signs were cough(100.0%), sputum(83.3%), fever(80.0%) rhinorrhea(33.3%), vomiting(33.3%), moist rale(86.7%), decreased breathing sound(26.7%), wheezing(20.0%), and pharyngeal injection(30.0%). Thirteen out of 30 cases(43.3%) had unilateral infiltration, 10 cases(33.4%) had bilateral infiltration, 1 case(3.3%) had pleural effusion, and 6 cases(20.0%) had negative findings on chest radiography and there was no cases of atelectasis. On laboratory findings, 6 out of 30 cases(20.0%) had leukocytosis, 1 case(3.3%) had neutrophilia, 10 cases(30.0%) had eosinophilia, 17 cases(56.7%) had increased ESR, and 18 cases(60.6%) had positive CRP. Positive cold agglutinin titers(>1 : 64) were 19 cases(63.3%), and positive mycoplasma antibody(M-ab) titers(>1 : 80) were 27 cases(93.3%). Mycoplasma antibody test was more valuable than cold agglutinin test for the diagnosis of Mycoplasmal pneumonia and there was no correlation between cold agglutinin titer and mycoplasma antibody titer. Mycoplasma-polymerase chain reaction(M-PCR) was done with 13 cases, 12 out of 13 cases(92.3%) were positive. M-PCR test was valuable to the diagnosis of Mycoplasmal pneumonia but it will be needed to further study for their clinical application. Among 30 cases, 5 cases(16.7%) had complications, 3 cases(10.0%) had skin rash, 1 case(3.3%) had pleural effusion, 1 case(3.3%) had arthralgia, but all complications were mild and recovered without residual sequelae. Conclusion : The occurrence of Mycoplasmal pneumonia under 3 year-old children was not rare from this study. Clinical characteristics of Mycoplasmal pneumonia under 3-year old were normal radiologic findings in many cases, low complication rate, mild clinical course, and tend to rapid recovery compared with general manifestations of Mycoplasmal infectionsin children and adolescence. There were likely to be missed patients with Mycoplasmal pneumonia which did not diagnose by conventional serologic tests that had low sensitivity and specificity. We have to pay attention to the Mycoplasmal infection of the young children with pneumonia during epidemic periods of Mycoplasmal infection.

• Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.361-368
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• 2010

Objective: The aim of this study was to evaluate the influences of uterine septum and their elimination on the reproductive outcomes in women who have history of recurrent spontaneous abortion (RSA) and/or infertility. Methods: The medical records of reproductive outcomes in patients who have had history of RSA and infertility who were diagnosed with uterine septum only by hysterosalpingogram (HSG) between January 2008 and December 2009 were retrospectively analyzed. The subjects who have had severe male factor, tubal factors, other uterine factors, endocrine abnormalities, peritoneal factors, and abnormal karyotyping among both partners were excluded. In 27 patients, confirmation of diagnosis by laparoscopy and elimination of uterine septum by trans-vaginal hysteroscopy was done. Seventeen patients were strongly suspected to uterine septum on HSG but tried to get pregnancy without any other procedure for evaluation and management of uterine anomaly. Age matched 42 patients who have history of RSA and/or infertility and diagnosed to normal HSG finding at same period were randomly selected as control. The medical records of reproductive outcomes were analyzed and compared between groups. Results: The mean time of observation after diagnosis was 21.8 months (10 to 32). 55.6% (15/27) of patients in patients who received trans-vaginal hysteroscopic uterine septotomy were success to get pregnancies and was significantly higher than that of 17 patients who did not receive proper management (23.5%, 4/17, p<0.05). In control population, 40.5% (17/42) were success to pregnancies and the differences were not statistically significant compared to both two study groups. The live birth rate which was excluded pregnancy loss by abnormal fetal karyotyping and congenital anomaly were 75% (9/12) in treated septated uterus group and 84.6% (11/13) in control group each which have no statistically significant different. In patients with septated uterus who did not receive proper management showed lower delivery rate (50%, 2/4) than that of other groups but was not statistically significant. Conclusion: According to present data, women with a uterine septum have an increased chance of successful pregnancy with improved obstetric outcome after proper management of the uterine cavity. And these results were showed in patients with no regard to their reproductive history. But, in case of failed to receive proper management, uterine septum can affect not only pregnancy ongoing but successful pregnancy too.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.322-332
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• 1998

Background: Accurate staging is important to determine treatment modalities and to predict prognosis for the patients with lung cancer. The simple two-stage system of the Veteran's Administration Lung Cancer study Group has been used for staging of small cell lung cancer(SCLC) because treatment usually consists of chemotherapy with or without radiotherapy. However, this system does not accurately reflect segregation of patients into homogenous prognostic groups. Therefore, a variety of new staging system have been proposed as more intensive treatments including either intensive radiotherapy or surgery enter clinical trials. We evaluate the prognostic importance of TNM staging, which has the advantage of providing a uniform detailed classification of tumor spread, in patients with SCLC. Methods: The medical records of 166 patients diagnosed with SCLC between January 1989 and December 1996 were reviewed retrospectively. The influence of TNM stage on survival was analyzed in 147 patients, among 166 patients, who had complete TNM staging data. Results: Three patients were classified in stage I / II, 15 in stage III a, 78 in stage IIIb and 48 in stage IV. Survival rate at 1 and 2 years for these patients were as follows: stage I / II, 75% and 37.5% ; stage IIIa, 46.7% and 25.0% ; stage III b, 34.3% and 11.3% ; and stage IV, 2.6% and 0%. The 2-year survival rates for 84 patients who received chemotherapy(more than 2 cycles) with or without radiotherapy were as follows: stage I / II, 37.5% ; stage rna, 31.3% ; stage IIIb 13.5% ; and stage IV 0%. Overall outcome according to TNM staging was significantly different whether or not received treatment. However, there was no significant difference between stage IIIa and stage IIIb though median survival and 2-year survival rate were higher in stage IIIa than stage IIIb. Conclusion: These results suggest that the TNM staging system may be helpful for predicting the prognosis of patients with SCLC.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.31 no.1 s.60
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• pp.112-126
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• 1998

To investigate the effectiveness of the interventions in working environment and personal hygiene for the occupational exposure to the lead, the blood zinc protoporphyrin (ZPP) concentrations of 131 workers (100 exposed subjects and 31 controls) of a newly established battery factory were analyzed. They were measured in every 3 months up to 18 months. Ai. lead concentration (Pb-A) of the workplaces was also checked for 3 times in 6 months interval from August 1987. Environmental intervention included the local exhaust ventilation and vacuum cleaning of the floor. Intervention of the personal hygiene included the daily change of clothes, compulsory shower after work and hand washing before meal, prohibition of cigarette smoking and food consumption at the work site and wearing mask. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the controls was $16.45{\pm}4.83{\mu}g/d\ell$ at the preemployment examination and slightly increased to $17.77{\pm}5.59{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed before the factory was in operation (Group A) was $17.36{\pm}5.20{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $23.00{\pm}13.06{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 3 months. The blood ZPP concentration was increased to $27.25{\pm}6.40{\mu}g/d\ell$ on 6 months (p<0.01) after the employment which was 1 month after the initiation of intervention program. It did not increase thereafter and ranged between $25.48{\mu}g/d\ell$ and $26.61{\mu}g/d\ell$ in the subsequent 4 results. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after the factory had been in operation but before the intervention program was initiated (Group B) was $14.34{\pm}6.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was increased to $28.97{\pm}7.14{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) in 3 months later(1 month after the intervention). The values of subsequent 4 tests were maintained between $26.96{\mu}g/d\ell$and $27.96{\mu}g/d\ell$. Mean blood ZPP concentration of the exposed subjects who were employed after intervention program had been started (Group C) was$21.34{\pm}5.25{\mu}g/d\ell$ on employment and it was gradually increased to $23.37{\pm}3.86{\mu}g/d\ell$ (p<0.01) after 3 months, $23.93{\pm}3.64{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 6 months, $25.50{\pm}3.01{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 9 months, and $25.50{\pm}3.10{\mu}g/d\ell$ after 12 months. Workplaces were classified into 4 parts according to Pb-A. The Pb-A of part I, the highest areas, were $0.365mg/m^3$, and after the intervention the levels were decreased to $0.216mg/m^3$ and$0.208mg/m^3$ in follow-up test. The Pb-A of part II which was resulted in lowe. value than part I was decreased from $0.232mg/m^3$ to $0.148mg/m^3$, and $0.120mg/m^3$ after the intervention. The Pb-A of part III was tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.124mg/m^3$ in January 1988 and $0.181mg/m^3$ in August 1988. The Pb-A of part IV was also tested after the intervention and resulted in $0.110mg/m^3$ in August 1988. There was no consistent relationship between Pb-A and blood ZPP concentration. The blood ZPP concentration of the group A and B workers in the part of the highest Pb-A were lower than those of the workers in the parts of lower Pb-A. The blood ZPP concentration of the workers in the part of the lowest Pb-A increased more rapidly. The blood ZPP concentration of the group C workers was the highest in part III. These findings suggest that the intervention in personal hygiene is more effective than environmental intervention, and it should be carried out from the first day of employment and to both the exposed subjects, blue color workers and the controls, white color workers.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.38 no.1 s.246
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• pp.44-49
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• 2005

Although thymomas are relatively common mediastinal tumors, to date not only has a universal system of pathologic classification not been established but neither has a clearly defined predictable relationship between treatment and prognosis been made. Recently, a new guideline for classification was reported by WHO, and efforts, based on this work, have been made to better define the relationship between treatment and pro­gnostic outcome. In the present study a comparative analysis between the WHO classification and Masaoka stage system with the clinical disease pattern was conducted. Material and Method: A total of 98 patients undergoing complete resection for mediastinal thymoma between Juanuary 1993 and June 2003 were included in the present study. The male female ratio was 48 : 50 and the mean age at operation was $49.6{\pm}13.9\;years.$ A retrospective analytic comparison studying the relationship between the WHO classification and the Masaoka stage system with the clinical disease pattern of thymoma was conducted. Pathologic slide specimens were carefully examined, details of postoperative treatment were documented, and a relationship with the prognostic outcome and recurrence was studied. Result: There were 7 patients in type A according to the WHO system of classification, 14 in AB, 28 in B 1, 23 in B2, 18 in B3, and 9 in type C. The study of the relationship between the Masaoka stage and WHO classification system showed 4 patients to be in WHO system type A, 7 in type AB, 22 in B 1, 17 in B2, and 3 in type B3 among 53 $(54{\%})$ patients shown to be in Masaoka stage I. Among 28 $(28.5{\%})$ patients in Masaoka stage II system, there were 2 patients in type A, 7 in AB, 4 in B 1, 2 in B2, 8 in B3, and 5 in type C. Among 15 $(15.3{\%})$ in Masaoka stage III, there were 1 patient in type B1, 3 in B2, 7 in B3, and 4 in type C. Finally, among 2 $(2{\%})$ patients found to be in Masaoka stage IV there was 1 patient in type B1, and 1 in type B2. The mean follow up duration was $28{\pm}6.8$ months. There were 3 deaths in the entire series of which 2 were in type B2 (Masaoka stages III and IV), and 1 was in type C (Masaoka stage II). Of the patients that experienced relapse, 6 patients remain alive of which 2 were in type B2 (Masaoka III), 2 in type B3 (Masaoka I and III) and 2 in type C (Masaoka stage II). The 5 year survival rate by the Kaplan-Meier method was $90{\%}$ for those in type B2 WHO classification system, $87.5{\%}$ for type C. The 5 year freedom from recurrence rate was $80.7{\%}$ for those in WHO type B2, $81.6{\%}$ for those in type B3, and $50{\%}$ for those in type C. By the Log-Rank method, a statistically significant correlation between survival and recurrence was found with the WHO system of classification (p<0.05). An analysis of the relationship between the WHO classification and Masaoka stage system using the Spearman correction method, showed a slope=0.401 (p=0.023), showing a close correlation. Conclusion: As type C of the WHO classification system is associated with a high postoperative mortality and recurrence rate, aggressive treatment postoperatively and meticulous follow up are warranted. The WHO classification and Masaoka stage system were found to have a close relationship with each other and either the WHO classification method or the Masaoka stage system may be used as a predict prognostic outcome of Thymoma.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.33-41
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• 2008

Purpose : It is now understood that blood pressure (BP) measurement in the routine pediatric examination is very important because of the relevance of childhood BP to pediatric health care and the development of adult essential hypertension. There hasn't been a reference table of BP for Korean children and adolescents up to now. This study was to make normative BP references and to provide criteria of hypertension for Korean children and adolescents. Methods : BP measurements were done on 57,433 Koean children and adolescents (male: 29,443, female: 27,990), aged 7 to 20 years, in 2005. Heights and weights were measured simultaneously. Oscillometric devices, Dinamap Procare 200 (GE Inc., Milwaukee, Wi, USA), were used for the measurements. BPs were measured 2 times and mean levels were gathered for the analysis. Outliers of 2,373 subjects with overweight per height, over ＋3SD, were excluded for the analysis. For the BP centiles adjusted by sex, age and height, fixed modified LMS method which was adopted from the mixed effect model of 2004 Task Force in NHLBI (USA) was used. Results : Normative BP tables for Korean children and adolescents adjusted for height percentiles (5th, 10th, 25th, 50th, 75th, 90th, 95th), gender (male, female) and age(7 to 18 years) were completed. Height centiles of Korean children and adolescents are available from Korean Center for Disease Control and Prevention homepage, http://www.cdc.go.kr/webcdc/. Criteria of hypertension (95th, 99th percentile) and normal range of BP (50th, 90th) adjusted for height percentiles, age and gender were made. Conclusion : This is the first study to make normative BP tables and define hypertension for the Korean children and adolescents. Reliability and accuracy of Dinamap Procare 200 oscillometer for BP measurements remains debatable.