• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.115-142
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• 2016

This study aims to reveal the content of and logic behind a recent negative public sentiment toward female idols with the example of a debate over songstress IU's fourth album that was released late last year. While previous studies on fandom have focused on the identification process towards entertainers and making community, a recent phenomenon of "anti-fandom" or "malicious comments" implies that more research is needed on negative emotions such as hostility or schadenfreude (feelings of pleasure from others' misfortunes). Schadenfreude is a social sentiment that originated in modern liberalism, which features contradictions between public equality and private ownership, and that has been intensified in neoliberalism, which features a maximization of this contradiction centering on a meritocracy. Celebrities in Korea often become the targets of schadenfreude, which is associated with the suspicion that they gain popularity not from their abilities but from "just being popular." It should also be noted that this kind of schadenfreude operates differently between male and female entertainers. Specifically, the acquisition of money and fame by modern women whose presence used to be located in the private possessions of males is considered to be due to their unjustified use of sexuality. This is also the background of the recent online misogyny culture in Korea. In this context, IU, who had been successful at building a differentiated image of "sister-like idol artist," became a valid target. Although accusing IU of utilizing pedophilia reflects a stalemate that a current politics of sexual violence faces, it rather damages the name of an individual than attracts public attention to the structural causes of childsexualabuse. This is why I see the way that pedophilia was used in the debate over IU as a schadenfreude. Consequently, the term pedophilia here contributes to an expansion of the entertainment economy that is sustained by rises and falls of the celebrities' stock prices.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.273-305
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to understand and explore the essence of the self-care experiences of middle-aged one-person households considering their individual circumstances and situational context. In this study, 10 middle-aged people in one-person households were interviewed. The interview data were analyzed using the phenomenological analysis. In result, middle-aged one-person households considered self-care as 'means to protect themselves', 'preparation for their single life in late adulthood', and 'behavior to feel gratitude and happiness in the present.' Their motives for self-care were 'being aware of their physical aging and possibility of illnesse', 'feeling threatened about their safety', 'sensing that their daily livings may be at a risk', 'absence of a caregiven person who can take care of them', 'maintaining of their psychological health', 'being burned out from busy working schedules', and 'to lessen their own and their family's worries and anxiety.' Their specific ways of self-care were 'physical health care', 'private activities for emotional care', and 'meeting people.' Consequently, the self-care of middle-aged people had a positive impact on their work and relationships, lessened their sense of isolation, and brought comfort to their lives. Based on the results of the study, this study proposed the implications, limitations, and suggestions for further research.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.83-92
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• 2017

Because the exhibition space in the virtual reality is another kind of reality, which exits in another level, it enables us free from time and physical space, so using the virtual reality will be an effective practice for overcoming cultural divide and managing museums. Especially, virtual reality could transform a fixed physical space into portable contents, so this characteristic would be useful and meaningful when applying the outreach program, which claimed to stand for 'museum out of museum' as following. First, it will give more opportunities of experiencing museums to many people because of freedom of physical space, one of the advantages virtual reality has. Second, people will experience and understand the contents under the context, rather than simply exposing information of artifacts one by one. Third, even people who are far from a museum can experience identical contents at the same time, so this synchronicity will enhance communications among people and the society. Fourth, it will provide rich contents to people by putting a variety of exhibitions into one VR device. Fifth, it will be useful for archiving the exhibition with minimizing the loss of contents. Sixth, VR will convert museum visitors from observers to operators. Finally, VR can expand the target audience of the outreach program and develop a variety of education programs. Because museums is a public organization for overcoming cultural divide and enhancing communication, they should adopt virtual reality, which enables to extend the exhibition space and provide more opportunities of experiencing museums.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.273-300
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• 2018

In order to analyze the experience of women from the provinces settling in Seoul, the current study conducts in-depth interviews on seven women who are working in Seoul after coming up to Seoul to attend and graduate from university. The results of the interview were analyzed using grounded theory methodology, under which the open coding extracted one hundred ten concepts, twenty-one sub-categories, and eleven categories encompassing them all. Causal condition is 'difficulty of settling in Seoul' and contextual conditions are 'intensification of psychological anxiety', 'reduction in quality of life', and 'continuation of economic instability'. The central phenomenon is 'dilemma of continuing life in Seoul' and intervening condition is 'diagnosis of ten years after coming up to Seoul'. Action/interaction strategies are 'changes in personal life', 'securing economic abilities through a stable job', and 'finding ways to participate in the society', while the result was 'choosing whether to continue living in Seoul'. The paradigm of experience of women from the provinces settling in Seoul proceed from coming up to Seoul for university to becoming independent, adapting to life in the city, experiencing growth and failures, facing challenge and searching for solutions, and conducting self-evaluation and making new choices. The participants reported that they were aware of differences and experienced anxieties as a stranger in Seoul even after living in the city for ten years; the problems they face have become more complex and diverse since when they were in university, and while they launched a career and making money, the gap between them and their peers from Seoul has not closed. The women also express desperation that they may need to leave Seoul to find alternatives to problems caused by accumulated stress and social problems that cannot be solved by an individual. In conclusion, the current study confirmed that efforts by individuals can only have limited effects in helping women from the provinces to settle in Seoul, indicating that detailed policy plans are required to solve social issues in the overall Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Childcare and Education
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.435-459
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• 2015

It is generally agreed that the 21st century is the era of postmodernism. Postmodernism emerged with opposition and resistance to modernism which pursued values like the absoluteness of truth and knowledge, the Enlightenment, rationalism, objectivism and consequentialism among others. Now postmodernism is currently given a great deal of attention as it is considered a new ideology that can help explain many of the different and continuous changes which are occurring in a variety of fields including politics, economy, society and culture, not to mention education. In this sense, this study's purpose is to examine postmodern aspects found specifically in the field of early childhood education. As a result, this study found that those aspects could be briefly described by four main phrases, or 'early childhood education whose contexts are based on relativity', 'early childhood education operating under the system of rhizome' 'early education in which inter-directionality is pursued' and 'early education in which process-orientation is being intensified'. In the chapter of conclusion, finally, this study discusses how those aspects are correlated with one another and what implications they may have for the field of early childhood education.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.29
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• pp.305-318
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• 2017

The need for recognizing the crime in the urban spaces as a social problem and finding out specific approaches such as the study of space design and various guidelines for crime prevention is increasing. In this regard, "Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design" (marked as "CPTED") is actively underway. Yeomri-dong Salt Way is the first place to which the Seoul Crime Prevention Design Project was appled. The business objective of improving the local environment has been implemented rationally through cooperation and voluntary participation between subject of the project executives and community members. Since its efficiency has been proven, the sites have been expanded since then and becomes a benchmarking example of each local government.This kind of problem solving effort has the same context in purpose and direction of the 'Village Art Project' which has been implemented since 2009 with the aim of promoting the culture of the underdeveloped area and encouraging the participation of the residents by introducing the public art. It is noteworthy that this trend is centered around the characteristics of community functions and values. The purpose of this study is to propose the application method of community furniture as a way to increase the efficiency of CPTED to improve the 'quality of life' of residents. To do this, we reviewed CPTED, community design, public art literature and prior research, and identified the problems and implications based on the site visit Yeomri-dong of Seoul and Gamcheon Village of Pusan which is the successful model of "Seoul Root out Crime by Design" and 'Maeulmisul Art Project' respectively. The common elements of the two case places identified in this study are as follows: First, the 'lives' of community residents found its place in the center through the activation of community by collaborative activities in addition to the physical composition of the environment. Second, community design and introduction of public art created a new space, and thereby many people came to visit the village and revitalize the local economy. Third, it strengthened the natural monitoring, the territoriality and control, and the activity increase among the CPTED factors. The psychological aspect of CPTED and the emotional function of public art are fused with the 'community furniture', thereby avoiding a vague or tremendous approach to the public space through a specific local context based on the way of thinking and emotion of local people and it will be possible to create an environment beneficial for all. In this way, the possibility and implication of the fusion of CPTED and public art are expected to be able to reduce the social cost through the construction of the crime prevention infrastructure such as expansion of the CPTED application space, and to suggest a plan to implement the visual amenity as a design strategy to regenerate city.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.157-183
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• 2017

Korean Modernization is the period which Western Culture is settled as common sense, but modern introsepction of Confucianism acted as a sign to ask what is the basis of Korean modern subject. Park Eun-Sik transformed the basis of our thinking from Confucianism to the philosophy of Wang Yangming in the crash time of the Confucianism metaphysical structure. Park Eun-sik organized Definition of Real Me(眞我論) with the idealogical basis, that is, benevolence of the whole creation of the universe(萬物一體之仁) and the origin of the mind(良知) of Wang Yangming. He tried to realize the Basis of Confuciasism in the modern era with the origin of the mind(良知). And also he tried to figure out the origin of Confucianism by The public(民衆). He suggested the Public(民衆) as the unity to realize the Confucianism as equalitarianism. Park Eun-Sik declared the thought of great unity and peace of Korea(大同平和思想) with the idea of Real Me(眞我論) and benevolence of the whole creation of the universe(萬物一體之仁). Great unity and peace of Korea(大同平和思想) is based with the origin of the mind(良知) of Wang Yangming and is realized to be fulfilled as the thought of great unity and peace of Korea(大同平和思想).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.