• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.257-283
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is primarily to examine models of collective decision-formation and decision-making. The goal is to propose a model of decision-formation and decision-making that is appropriate for a democratic society. Habermas distinguishes these models of decision-formation and decision-making by liberal, republican, and deliberative political models according to their justification types. Axel Honneth, on the other hand, is divided into three models of liberalism, proceduralism, and republicanism. I want to divide the model of possible decision-making in democratic society into three, that is, the model based on force, the model based on procedure, and the republican model. This distinction will identify the characteristics of each decision-making model and this confirmation will help us find the best decision-making model for a democratic society. In the end, I will combine the republican model with the procedural model. For this synthesis, I will also propose three conditions in modern society. I will argue that the three conditions of collective intelligence, active freedom, and horizontal networks are necessary.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.75-97
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• 2021

This study was conducted to derive a society and education system model that will improve the happiness and sustainability of human society. An ideological model for making human society a happy society was derived, and a society and education system structure and operation model based on this was presented. A fair society, a justice society, a mutually considerate society, and a society where individuals are happy are the conditions for a sustainable society. After analyzing the current situation of freedom and equality pursued by capitalism and democracy, which are currently adopted by most societies, an improvement model was derived from the perspective of a sustainable society. The cost of freedom and equality were analyzed and a new alternative system was discussed. The social solidarity and class mobility issues were discussed together and servicism was derived as an alternative solution. It is a system in which two opposing opponents of individual freedom and social norms form a symmetrical balance, and material and spiritual values are balanced. Servicism is a dynamic balance model. That is, the dimensions of time and space are involved. It is a model that maintains a thorough balance through a dialectical process as time and space change, and one value can dominate the other at a specific time or space. The service-oriented society and education system is a system that simultaneously pursues the goals of individual happiness and sustainable development of the social community.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.1-19
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• 2021

This study was conducted to derive a model of a sustainable politics and administration system that will enhance human happiness. A new long-term sustainable development model has been established based on the experience of the politics and administration system over the past thousands of years. Currently, the democratic political system and the bureaucratic administrative system dominate, but they are facing many problems. In this study, we analyzed the politics and administration system experienced by human society, and derived a model of a politics and administration system that is ideal for the present and future societies and is sustainable in the long term. The necessary condition should be a model that can solve the problems of the current politics and administration system. It must be a model that is faithful to the characteristics and essence of modern society. And as a sufficient condition to ensure long-term sustainability, it must be based on the common principles of human society. After analyzing the problems of the current system and analyzing the conditions required for the new system, the axioms that are the basis of the politics and administration system were presented. Based on the axioms, the structure and operation model of a new politics and administration system were derived. The derived model was named as a servicism politics and administration system. It is a dynamic model in which two opposing opponents recognize each other's contradictions and balance them dialectically in the space-time dimension.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.231-257
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• 2018

Japan has generally been considered as the developmentalist welfare state. However, Japan has recently been transformed into a social investment state. Although it still has a developmentalist characteristics with its institutional path dependence, the new social and economic challenges derived from the new social risks such as low birth rates and aging population forced Japan to adopt a new welfare state strategy. The paradigm shift in terms of welfare state strategy was launched by the Third Way positioning of the Democratic party government and succeed to the Second Stage of Abenomics under the Third Abe Cabinet. This paper argues that the welfare state paradigm shift towards a social investment state in Japan is not limited to the Japan's Plan for Dynamic Engagement of All Citizens for a virtuous cycle of growth and distribution, but expands its scope to include the work-family balance policies such as labor market activation for women and public caring for children.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.1-25
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• 2022

This study was conducted for technology development and industrial and enterprise system design for the sustainable life of mankind. Human society is facing a crisis. As the power of mankind has increased due to the development of nuclear weapons and information and communication technologies, the risk of human society has greatly increased. The value of growth and freedom is increasing due to capitalism and democratic systems, so technological innovation is accelerating, and industries and companies are growing significantly. New technologies and industries can greatly develop human society and put it at risk. This study was conducted with the aim of redesigning technology, industry, and enterprise systems so that humans who live on Earth can be more sustainable for a longer time. It presented a practical alternative for a long-term sustainable human society. It suggested alternatives for what philosophy and methodology should be developed for the whole of humanity and in each individual national society, for developing technologies, fostering industries, and operating corporate systems. First of all, the problems of the technology development system, industrial system, and enterprise system of human society were analyzed. The characteristics and problems were analyzed in terms of sustainability of human society. The necessary and sufficient conditions for an alternative system to solve the raised problems were derived. A system that satisfies these conditions was designed and presented. The alternative system was named as a servicism system as a system based on the service philosophy. The structure, operation model, and implementation plan of the new technology industry enterprise system were presented. In the future, follow-up studies are needed to be concreted at the level of individual countries and human society as a whole.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.3-18
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• 2015

We explore the issues on online political participation study in Korea compared with international one. More specifically, we characterize Korea's study trends as focusing on "who" is participating while international studies center on what the new "forms" of online political participation are. In other words, domestic studies try to show that online media play a role as a factor promoting bottom-up model of civic participation. Moreover, this function of online media is stimulated by the rapid growing of civic participation during democratization and citizens' deep disapproval of political institutions since then. However, previous studies are more interested in the expansion of participants, in particular, ordinary people. Therefore, the themes on conceptualizing and categorizing the online political participation seem to have been treated lightly. In this perspective, we need to view online political participation in a more multidimensional manner. In addition, we should pay attention to "those who do not participate" as well as "those who participate" in politics. Because the current media environment more tends to provoke citizens' political indifference than ever before. If it comes to that, we will be likely to face the circumstances worrying the democratic divide beyond the digital divide.

• 한국IT서비스학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.532-539
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• 2005

최근 세계적으로 전자정부에서의 시민역량을 증대시키기 위한 노력이 시작되는 동향을 보이고 있다. 이에 따라 거버넌스 관점에서 시민참여에 대한 이론 및 실증적 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있으나, 거버넌스 지원을 위한 차세대 전자정부시스템의 개발에 대한 연구는 상대적으로 적은 관심밖에 받지 못하고 있다. 거버넌스 지원 전자정부시스템은 주로 정부기관의 기능 강화에 초점을 두고 있는 기존의 전자정부시스템과 달리 능동적인 시민참여에 중점을 두어야 하며, 복잡하고 정보가 광역 분산된 민주사회 환경에서 보안과 프라이버시 등의 핵심 민주주의 가치를 유지하면서도 시민을 포함한 모든 구성원 사이의 정보공유와 이를 위한 조정 기능을 제공하여 모든 참여자가 정보를 적절히 공유할 수 있는 능력을 향상시킬 수 있도록 하여야 한다. 이러한 거버넌스 지원 전자정부시스템의 개발에 중요한 요소 중의 하나는 보안과 프라이버시를 유지하면서도 쌍방간의 정보공유를 가능하게 하는 P2P 통신 메커니즘이다. 본 논문은 거버넌스 지원 전자정부시스템의 특성과 요구사항을 살펴 보고 이를 바탕으로 P2P 통신에 대한 요구사항과 적합한 P2P 통신 모델에 대하여 논한다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.