• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.79-132
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• 2016

The view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe includes all the gods of Heaven and Earth, and the human heart is taken as the foundational key. Practitioners can realize their value according to how much they have cultivated themselves. This is regarded as the mythical use of a singularly focused mind (full dedication of one's heart). In other words, it focuses on the potentiality of humans who are able to enter a transcendental area of divinity through their self-cultivation. This view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe was established by the religious mission known as "Samgye Gongsa (the Reordering of Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity)." Samgye Gongsa indicated a new opening of the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. This new opening is a return to the original principle of Heavenly operation and also a new order for the universe. Heaven and Earth have their own underlying principle by which they operate. This act was directly initiated and manifested from Dao. Daesoonjinrihoe diagnoses that the underlying principle by which Heaven operates was damaged by human misconduct, and as a result, the human observance of that principle fell out of common usage. Therefore, Daesoonjinrihoe gives priority to the reestablishment of Dao as it existed originally and tries to bring about reconciliation between Heaven and Earth and Humanity. In short, it resolves the grievances accrued since time immemorial by correcting the order of Sindo (Divine Law). Furthermore, it shows that the Dao of Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence) was created by reordering the arrangement of Heaven and Earth so that human beings and divine beings could reach a state of perfection through self-realization. Humans not only communicate with Heaven and Earth, but also communicate with divine beings. Divine beings are transcendent living beings capable of communicating with humans through their heart-minds. In Daesoon thought, human beings are not swayed by the power of divine beings, but instead are able to control divine beings through the transcendent power of their heart-minds. Given this view, the aim of Daesoonjinrihoe lies in participating in the harmony of Heaven and Earth through the cultivation of the human heart. Also, it sees that the human heart-mind can be united with the universal Dao, and thus it is able to be united with the deities of Heaven and Earth. In order to actualize this, one does not rely on exterior rituals or magic but has to focus instead on cultivating the moral ethics of the heart-mind to reach perfection. In other words, one can reach a transcendent level in one's heart-mind through the cultivation of a singularly focused mind and be free from the contradiction of life and death and other such torments. Life and death is an inevitable process for humans. So they do not have to be happy for life and sad for death. They can rather be free from the fear of death by fulfilling the energetic zenith of the human heart-mind via training themselves to transcend their physical bodies. No aging and no death is not a pursuit of radical longevity or immortality for the physical body, but rather a pursuit of the essence of life and the realization of eternity on a spiritual level. Daesoonjinrihoe pursues the state of being unified with Dao by developing "Jeong·Gi·Sin (精·氣·神 the internal energies of essence, pneuma, and spirit)" and trying to reach the transcendent state of non-aging and radical longevity by spurring the practice of self-realization and the discovery one's own innate nature. Through the practice of human ethics, they can access the creative functions of Heaven and Earth and become one with Heavenly Dao thereby achieving harmony between temporal existence and eternity. In this way, humans transcend the life and death of their physical bodies. When "Doins (trainees of Dao)" reach the true state of unification with Dao through singularly focused cultivation, they not only realize self perfection as human beings, but also enable themselves the means to do away with all disasters and forms of suffering. They thereby attain ultimate happiness in their lives.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.71-100
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• 2017

This study focuses on examining 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin', which Daesoon Jinrihoe believes in as the highest divinity. The name of this divinity was first found in Chinese Daoist scriptures. This study starts by considering the global propagation of virtue and then research connected to this topic. There are two alternative names for this divinity in relation to his human avatar, Kang Jeungsan, the subject of faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe. One is 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' meaning the divinity before assuming a human avatar, and the other is 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation' the same divinity after he discarded his human avatar and returned to his celestial post. To understand how the belief system of Daesoon Jinrihoe differs from that of Daoism, it is necessary to study the divinity's change from being 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' to becoming 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation'. If this distinction is not made clear, it brings about confusing arguments concerning the term 'Supreme God (Sangje)' as used in Daoism and Daesoon Jinrihoe. In order to offer a specific explanation, this study suggests three possible directions. The first hypothesis is that although these two names, 'the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daoism and 'the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daesoon Jinrihoe, are similar, they actually have nothing to do with one another. The second hypothesis is that they are in fact the same divinity. Lastly, the third hypothesis is that they are closely connected, however, the former (the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a position needed to fulfill the mission of Jeungsan, whereas the latter (the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a name received after the human avatar passes and the deity returns to the Noebu, 'the department of lightning'. These hypotheses face certain problems such as arbitrary mixing, the need for the theoretical clarity, and argumental weakness. Therefore, by leaving some unresolved questions, this study encourages future follow-up studies.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.24_2
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• pp.231-270
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• 2015

This thesis examined Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory as the representative theory of cultivation in Confucianism, while juxtaposing it to self-cultivation theory in Daesoon thought, concentrating on its similarity and difference. Neo-Confucianism is a scholarship which has wielded a tremendous influence upon East Asia, while functioning as an official scholarship for long period up to Yuan, Ming, and Ching period, after achieving its synthesis by Chu Hsi. After 13th century, Neo-Confucianism has been a representative academic system in Confucianism, and self-cultivation theory was in its center. It suggested various virtues that classical scholars have to equip to fulfill the sainthood and the politics of royal road. The self-cultivation theory of Chu Hsi was developed upon the basis of the theory 'Li-Qi' and the theory of mind. Here, the practice of Geokyung(morally awakened state with a reverent spirit in every moment) and Gyeokmul-tsiji(reaching into the utmost knowledge through investigation of things) formed a nucleus of Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory. While Geokyung was to reveal one's true nature through cultivation of mind, Gyeokmul-tsiji was to demonstrate the complete use of mind's essence and function. Chu Hsi's self-cultivation theory attempted to realize the unity of heaven and man, and through cultivating self and governing people, it also tried to achieve its ideal of the society of Great Union(Daedong). Daesoon Thought is originated from Sangjenim who has descended to this world as a human being called Jeungsan. He went on his circuit to rectify the disorder of heaven and earth for 9 years to rectify the Three worlds of heaven, earth and human being which were faced with total annihilation due to its rule of mutual conflict, while creating an earthly paradise. Respecting the will of Sangjenim, Dojunim established the foundation of Do through launching 'Meukeukdo' and setting tenet, creed and object so that the cultivators (Doins) could believe and respect the truth of Sangje's great itineration (Daesoon). Among those, the two components of creed, which are four fundamental principles and the three fundamental attitudes are of great account as precept and cardinal point. Through this means, the cultivators of Daesoonjinrihoe aspire to guard against self-deception through transforming the human spirit, to realize earthly immortality through renewing human beings, and to create an earthly paradise through transforming the world. This thesis attempted to compare and analyze the theory of self-cultivation in Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought in the aspect of ground, method, and object of cultivation. First, as for the ground of cultivation, the doctrines of Chu-tzu and Daesoon thought place the essence of cultivation on 'heaven'. Yet, whereas the former postulates Taekeuk (the Great Ultimate) as a principle as well as the heaven of a natural order, Daesoon thought postulates Sangenim as the heaven of superintendence as well as the heaven of a natural order, signified as its equation of Daesoon with circle, along with the unity of Meukeuk (Endlessness) and Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate). Further, the doctrine of Chu-zhu and Daesoon thought is identical in the point that both thoughts see mind as the subject of cultivation, while trying to restore a pure essence. Nevertheless, whereas Neo-Confucianism intends to give scope to ability of the complete use of mind's essence and function, Daesoon Thought sees mind as the essence which is used by spiritual beings and as an organ that heaven, earth and human being rely upon as the center of the universe. In the aspect of method of cultivation, the doctrine of Chuzhu lays emphasis on the rational factor in that it brightens its 'myung-deoki'(bright inner virtue),' while trying to correspond to the law of heaven on the basis of 'Geokyung' and 'Gyeokmul-tsiji.' On the contrary, Daesoon thought lays much emphasis on faith factor in that it aspires for human perfection based on the restoration of conscience by cultivating Daesoonjinri with sincerity, reverence and faith along with 'quieting the heart-mind', 'quieting the body', 'respecting the God of the Ninth Heaven', and 'observing ritual practice on the basis of the faith in Sangjenim. Yet, both thoughts have similarities in that cultivation of body forms the basis and that they attempt to realize their ideals through cultivation in daily life while taking 'Guarding against self-deception' as the key method of self-cultivation.' However, the principle of Chu-zhu can be said to be a voluntary and autonomous practice based on scripture of the saint as well as self-reflection. On the other hand, Daesoon thought reveals certain difference in that it combines faith factor with one's self-effort by concentrating on cultivation under the presence of Sangjenim as the object of belief and the spirits of heaven and earth. In the aspect of object of cultivation, both thoughts share similarities in that the saint and the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue as an ideal image of men in both thoughts attempt to realize each of their 'myung-deok' in human nature as a heavenly mandate while respecting morality. Further, they also share similarity in the point that the desirable characters in both thoughts want to participate in harmonious creation and nurturance. Yet, the perfected gentleman with a moral virtue is also characterized by its aim for a new heaven and earth where there is no mutual conflict but mutual beneficence, by promoting the moral influence and virtue of Sangjenim over one's own virtue, while practising the mutual beneficence of all life through harmonious union of divine beings and human beings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.230-246
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• 2023

The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.54-79
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• 2024

The purpose of this research is to fill the vacuum created by the tendency of bias towards China among the curators of Korean museums who plan exhibitions focusing on Balhae, and to share with researchers in the countries concerned various supplementary research materials that could deepen their understanding of the history of Balhae. These materials are based on analyses of the details of exhibitions about Balhae held in a particular Russian museum and the characteristics of and changes in the museum's operational policy. Thus, this research focuses mainly on the permanent and special exhibitions held by the Far East History Museum and Reserve, whose collection represents the archaeological achievements of Russia regarding the history of Balhae. The first part of the research focuses on the layout of the exhibitions presented by the museum and the museum's operational policy. It reveals that the museum's permanent exhibitions follow a diachronic arrangement of the local history, while the first and second special exhibitions featured exhibits that were selected from the collections of the Russian Academy of Sciences and arranged according to specific themes. It also examines the museum's policy for operating the exhibitions, focusing on the operational rules, the human resources deployed to run them, and the related educational and PR programs. The second part of the research examines such issues as local politics, economy, education and culture related to the exhibitions on Balhae's history, and connects them to the background and development of the exhibitions. This study reveals that the permanent exhibitions were intended to promote historical awareness of the local area by museum visitors, particularly those who visited the exhibitions while the city was hosting important events such as international summits. It also reveals that the museum's first special exhibition led to the promotion of Korea-Russia cooperation on exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism, whereas the second special exhibition involved no PR efforts or related events, which was probably due to the changes that have occurred in the relationship between Russia and its neighboring countries since then. The final part of the study focuses on the characteristic features of the exhibition narratives, and compares school textbooks on local history and history books for general readers with the contents of the exhibitions. The analysis of the narratives based on the development of time shows that the history of the Mohe (or Malgal) tribes has been combined with that of Balhae, while they are treated separately in school textbooks. As regards political history, the narrative was largely focused on officials in Balhae's central government rather than on Mohe warriors in the border areas. The maps of Balhae presented in the exhibitions highlight the importance of accumulating empirical data. As for the exhibition of material cultures, this study suggests that the museums should obtain more archaeological floral and faunal remains related with agriculture and hunting. It also points out that the narrative on the theme of foreign relations deals with the archaeological relics of Unified Silla together with those of the Turkic tribes. As for the theme of philosophy and culture, the narrative focused on the state ceremonies and rituals of Goguryeo, a theme that has attracted little attention among Korean academic circles and which consequently requires further study. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in that it suggests a number of research topics regarding the development of exhibitions and exhibition narratives about the history of Balhae by a prestigious Russian museum that specializes in this subject.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.63-73
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• 2014

This study was intended to analyze the correlation between the builder's intentions and the colors that are revealed through the analysis of the manifestation of symbolic colors as the signs and symbols that are shown in the traditional space of Soshaewon as one of the representative retreating villa gardens of Chosun Dynasty and the interpretation of the meanings. The research on the traditional colors and the intended background of Soshaewon and so on was conducted by examining the relative literature and the contents as the objects for the empirical analysis were the scenic beauties and spatial elemnts that are shown in the plan of Soshewon and the poems about Soshewon 48 scenes as well as the contents of the poems related to Five Primary Colors that are used based on "the Ideology of Five Elements of the Positive and Negative". Espectially, this study was conducted by dividing the spatial elements shown in Soswaewon broadly into the visual, synesthetic and symbolic & cognitive spaces in order to classify the locations and directions of the spaces and natural objects as the visual space, the seasons, the points of times and the five sensory organs as the synesthetic space and the "Four Moral Begginings" & the "Seven Emotions" of New Confucianism as the symbolic and cognitive space and by analyzing if there are any correlation between the decided intentions and the spatial meanings that are revealed by analyzing the system of five primary colors which are used in each spatial element.7) As a result from the analysis of the colors that are used based on the three spatial components of Soshaewon, it was found that one of Five Primary Colors were used 74 times in total. First, in the visual spatial component, one of the colors was used 18 times in total including 2 times of blue, 1 time of red, 6 times of yellow, 4 times of white and 5 times of black. The fact that yellow symbolizing the source of everything and white symoblizing cleanness and pureness are used relatively more often than blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively can be interpreted that the builder, Mr. San-bo Yang's intention to build Soshaewon is related to the meaning symbolizing the pure will of the builder who wanted to seclude himself from society rather than to give priority to enjoying nature. Second, in the synesthetic spatial component which are selected from the 48 scenes of Soshaewon, one of Five Primary Colors was used 38 times in total including 11 times of blue, 8 times of red, 4 times of yellow, 5 times of white and 10 times of black. Since blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively are used more often than yellow and black symbolizing the source of the world and pureness & knowledge respectively, it was interpreted that the builder means to be faithful to the unique basic functions of the retreating villa with which the builder wanted to enjoy his passion for enjoying nature and exploring knowledge even though the builder built the villa garden for the purpose of keeping himself pure while being unstained by the world. Finally, it was analyzed that one of Five Primary Colors was used 18 times in total including 4 times of blue, 5 times of red and 9 times of white in the symbolic and cognitive spatial components of the 48 scenes. Since it was found that white symbolizing the builder's political pureness is used at the same frequency as blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively are used as a result from the analysis, it was interpreted that the intention of creating Soshaewon was emotionally revealed at the same percentage in the aspects of his political pureness and enjoyment of nature through his poems. Especially, as a result from such 3 kinds of analyses regarding to the frequency of using Five Primary Colors, it was found that the number of times using Five Primary Colors in the synesthetic spatial component was 38 as the highest percentage, around 51% followed by each 18 times as the24.5% respectively in the visual and cognitive & symbolic spatial spaces. Based on such results, it can be interpreted that the builder, Mr. San-bo Yang's intention of creating Soshaewon sympolizes that his intention for enjoying the basic nature and the vitality of nature within the retreating villa garden is hidden at the same proportion as his intention for keeping himself pure from the unrightful world. It was intended to reveal the traditional colors which are hidden in a traditional retreating villa by analyzing the correlation between the symbolic meanings and the spatial components of Soshaewon based on the Five Primary Colors which are originated from the "Ideology of the Five Natural Elements of the Positive and Negative", but it is thought that it is possible to explore whether such a theory can be generally applied to other kinds of retreating villa gardens or not through a study on other retreating villa gardens as other examples in which the builder's apparent pure intentions, such as enjoyment of nature and persuit of study, etc., unlike Soshaewon are hidden.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.30-40
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• 2000

Purpose: During the first year of life, cow's milk protein is the major offender causing food allergy. Cow's milk allergy (CMA) affects 2~7% of infants, of which approximately one-half show predominantly gastrointestinal symptoms. We studied the clinical types of cow's milk allergy with predominantly gastrointestinal symptoms (CMA-GI) of childhood. Methods: The retrospective study was performed on 30 (male 22, female 8) patients who had diagnosed as CMA-GI during 2 years and 3 months from March 1995 to June 1997. Results: 1) Children with CMA-GI presented in the three types of clinical manifestation on the basis of time to reaction to milk ingestion: Quick (Q) onset (5 cases), Slow (S) onset (20 cases), Quick & Slow (Q&S) (5 cases). 2) Age on admission of the three groups was significantly different (p<0.05): (Q onset: $81.4{\pm}67.1$ days, S onset: $31.9{\pm}12.7$ days, Q&S: $366.0{\pm}65.0$ days). Although the body weight at birth was 10~95 percentile in all patients, body weight on admission was different: (Q onset: 10~50 percentile, S onset: below 10 percentile, Q&S: 10~25 percentile). S onset group was significantly different compared with other groups (p<0.05) and 90% of this one was failure to thrive below 3 percentile. 3) Peripheral leukocyte counts were as followings: (Q onset: $5,700{\sim}12,300/mm^3$, S onset: $10,000{\sim}33,400/mm^3$, Q&S: $5,200{\sim}14,900/mm^3$). Slow onset group was significantly different compared with other groups (p<0.05). Serum albumin levels on admission were as followings: (Q onset: $4.2{\pm}0.4\;g/dl$, S onset: $3.0{\pm}0.3\;g/dl$, Q&S: $4.0{\pm}0.3\;g/dl$). S onset group was significantly different compared with other groups (p<0.05) and 85% of this one was below 3.5 g/dl. 4) Although morphometrical analysis on small intestinal mucosa did not show enteropathy in Q onset and Q&S groups, all cases of S onset revealed enteropathy: 45% of this one showed subtotal villous atrophy, 55 % showed partial villous atrophy. 5) Allergic reaction test to other foods was not performed in S onset group because of ethical problem and high risk in general condition. In Q onset group, allergic reaction to one or two other foods: soy formula, weaning formula and eggs. Q&S goup revealed allergic reactions to several foods or to most of all foods except protein hydrolysate formula: eggs, potatos, some kinds of sea food, apples, carrots, beef and chicken. 6) Serum IgE level, peripheral eosinophil counts, milk RAST, soy RAST, skin test were not significantly different among groups. Conclusion: CMA-GI may present in three clinical ways on the basis of time to reaction to milk ingestion, typical clinical findings and morphologic changes in the small bowel mucosal biopsy specimens. This clinical subdivision might be helpful in diagnostic and therapeutic approaches in CMA-GI. Early suspicion is mandatory especially in S onset type because of high risks with malnutrition and enteropathy.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.39 no.6
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• pp.453-473
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• 1992

Background: National survey was performed to estimate the incidence of sarcoidosis in Korea. The clinical data of confirmed cases were analysed for the practice of primary care physicians and pulmonary specialists. Methods: The period of study was from January 1991 to December 1992. Data were retrospectively collected by correspondence with physicians in departments of internal medicine, dermatology, ophthalmology and neurology of the hospitals having more than 100 beds using returning postcards. In confirmed and suspicious cases of sardoidosis, case record chart for clinical and laboratory findings were obtained in detail. Results: 1) Postcards were sent to 523 departments in 213 hospitals. Internal medicine composed 41%, dermatology 20%, ophthalmology 20% and neurology 19%. 2) Postcards were returned from 241 departments (replying rates was 48%). 3) There were 113 confirmed cases from 50 departments and 10 cases. The cases were composed from internal medicine (81%), dermatology (13%), ophthalmology (3%) and neurology (3%). 78 confirmed cases were analysed, which were composed from department of internal medicine (92%), dermatology (5%), and neurology (3%). 4) The time span for analysed cases was 1980 to 1992. one case was analysed in 1980 and the number gradually increased to 18 cases in 1991. 5) The majority of patients (84.4%) were in the age group of 20 to 49 years. 6) The ratio of male to female was 1 : 1.5. 7) The most common chief complains were respiratory symptoms, dermatologic symptoms, generalized discomforts, visual changes, arthralgia, abdominal pains, and swallowing difficulties in order. 16% of the patients were asymptomatic. 8) Mean duration between symptom onset and diagnosis was 2 months. 9) The most common symptoms were respiratory, general, dermatologic, ophthalmologic, neurologic and cardiac origin in order. 10) Hemoglobin, hematocrits and platelet were in normal range. 58% of the patients had lymphopenia measuring less than 30% of white cell count. The ratio of CD4 to CD8 lymphocytes was $1.73{\pm}1.16$ with range of 0.43 to 4.62. ESR was elevated in 43% of the cases. 11) Blood chemistry was normal in most cases. Serum angiotensin converting enzyme (S-ACE) was $66.8{\pm}58.6\;U/L$ with the range of 8.79 to 265 U /L. Proteinuria of more than 150 mg was found in 42. 9% of the patients. 12) Serum IgG was elevated in 43.5%, IgA in 45.5%, IgM in 59.1% and IgE in 46.7%. The levels of complement C3 and C4 were in the normal range. Anti-nuclear antibody was detected in 11% of the cases. Kweim test was performed in 3 cases, and in all cases the result was positive. 13) FVC was decreased in 17.3%, FEV1 in 11.5%, FEV1/FVC in 10%, TLC in 15.2%, and DLco in 64.7%. 14) PaO2 was decreased below 90 mmHg in 48.6% and PaCO2 was increased above 45 mmHg in 5.7%. 15) The percentage of macrophages in BAL fluid was $51.4{\pm}19.2%$, lymphocytes $44.4{\pm}21.1%$, and the ratio of CD4 to CD8 lymphocytes was $3.41{\pm}2.07$. 16) There was no difference in laboratory findings between male and female. 17) Hilar enlargement on chest PA was present in 87.9% (bilaterally in 78.8% and unilaterally in 9.1%). 18) According to Siltzbach's classification, stage 0 was 5%, stage 158.3%, stage 228.3%, and stage 38.3%. 19) Hilart enlargement on chest CT was present in 92.6% (bilaterally 76.4% and unilaterally in 16.2%). 20) HRCT was done in 16 cases. The most common findings were nodules, interlobular thickening, focal patchy infiltrations in order. Two cases was normal finding. 21) Other radiologic examinations showed bone change in one case and splenomegaly in two cases. 22) Gallium scan was done in 12 cases. Radioactivity was increased in hilar and mediastinal lymph nodes in 8 cases and in parenchyme in 2 cases. 23) The pathologic diagnosis was commonly performed by transbrochial lung biopsy (TBLB, 47.3%), skin and mediastinal lymph nodes biopsy (34.5%), peripheral lymph nodes biopsy (23.6%), open lung biopsy (18.2%) and bronchial biopsy in order. 24) The most common findings in pathology were non·caseating granuloma (100%), multi-nucleated giant cell (47.3%), hyalinized acellular scar (34.5%), reticulin fibrin network (20%), inclusion body (10.9%), necrosis (9.1%), and lymphangitic distribution of granuloma (1.8%) in order. Conclusion: Clinical, laboratory, radiologic and pathologic findings were summarized. This collected data will assist in finding a test for detection and staging of sarcoidosis in Korea in near future.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.49-74
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• 2008

Le but de notre recherche est $d^{\prime}{\acute{e}}clairer$ la nature du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi aux actes humaines dnas le Thomisme. Dans le Thomisme la nature humaine qui a la raison et la $volont{\acute{e}}$ a une $intentionnalit{\acute{e}}$ ver la fin ultime. De sorte que les actes humaines qui $corr{\grave{e}}spondent$ cette nature humaine a un $caract{\grave{e}}re$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi visant toujours plus que le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$. Le fondement de cet acte du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi est $l^{\prime}{\hat{a}}me$ rationelle qui est la forme substantielle de l'homme et de soi subsistante. Chez st. Thomas ce $caract{\grave{e}}re$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ a trois ${\acute{e}}taps$ distinctes : (1)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre du $progr{\grave{e}}s$ naturel (2)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre morale (3)le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre de la religion. Le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre du $progr{\grave{e}}s$ naturel apparaît d'abord au $caract{\grave{e}}re$ de $l^{\prime}{\hat{a}}me$ rationelle. St. Thomas $d{\acute{e}}finit$ les vertus rationelles comme $^{\prime}pl{\acute{e}}nitude$ dans le $f{\acute{e}}blesse$, parce qu'il $consid{\grave{e}}re$ la vertu rationelle comme $finalit{\acute{e}}$ des $facult{\acute{e}}s$ du sens $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$. L'homme par le sens $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ reçoit des $esp{\grave{e}}ces$ sensibles(especies sensibilis), et $poss{\grave{e}}de$ les images. Puis cette images sensible devenant la $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ spirituelle sous forme du $m{\acute{e}}moire$ et du souvenir, devient aussi la partie de son existence. Donc chez st. Thomas la vertue rationnelle n'est pas simplement un $facult{\acute{e}}$ $sp{\acute{e}}culative$, mais elle est dans l'ordre du devenir et du $pl{\acute{e}}nitude$. A cette raison st. Thomas compare la raison(ratio) comme $g{\acute{e}}n{\acute{e}}ration$(generatio) et l'intelleigence(intellectus) comme ${\hat{e}}tre$(esse). C'est-${\grave{a}}$-dire la raison $d{\acute{e}}passe$ le sensible et l'intelligence $d{\acute{e}}passe$ la raison. Le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans l'ordre morale $li{\acute{e}}$ au $progr{\grave{e}}s$ de la conscience. Chez st. Thomas la perception de l'objet $ext{\acute{e}}rieur$ ayant pour but d'avoir conscience de soi, se perfectionne ${\grave{a}}$ ceci. D'avoir conscience de soi signifie d'avoir $l^{\prime}identit{\acute{e}}$ de soi, et de-$l{\grave{a}}$ apparaît l'acte moral en tnat qu'acte $sp{\acute{e}}cifique$ humain. La raison pour laquelle la vie morale elle-$m{\hat{e}}me$ a un $caract{\grave{e}}$ du $d{\acute{e}}passement$, c'est que l'acte humaine qui corresfonde ${\grave{a}}$ $l^{\prime}identit{\acute{e}}$ du soi est une vie qui vise toujours plus que le $pr{\acute{e}}sent$ ou $l^{\prime}id{\acute{e}}al$. Quant au problem du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ dans l'ordre de la religion, chez st. Thomas en raison de $l^{\prime}affinit{\acute{e}}$ entre Dieu et l'homme, $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a des vertues infuses(virtutes infusas), il y a une sorte du $d{\acute{e}}passement$ religieux. Car ces vertues infuses signifie la communication entre Dieu(${\hat{E}}tre$ absolu) et l'homme(${\hat{e}}tre$ fine) et cela signifie le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de l'humain vers le divin. Cette $id{\acute{e}}e$ thomiste permet de penser que $o{\grave{u}}$ il y a un $d{\acute{e}}passement$ de soi dans la vie religuse d'une personne, il y a une intervention $r{\acute{e}}elle$ de la providence divine. Cette $pens{\acute{e}}e$ thomiste sera alors un $caract{\grave{e}}$ $r{\acute{e}}aliste$ face ${\grave{a}}$ la $pens{\acute{e}}e$ $id{\acute{e}}aliste$ qui n'admette que le $d{\acute{e}}passement$ absolu comme $d{\acute{e}}passement$ religieux.