• 제목/요약/키워드: 사대부

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16세기말(世紀末) 사대부가(士大夫家) 객청(客廳) 조영사례(造營事例) 연구(硏究) -유희춘(柳希春)의 "미암일기초(眉巖日記草)"를 중심(中心)으로- (A Study on the House of the Gentry (士大夫) in the late 16th Century -Centering around Ryu, Hee-Choon's Diary(Miam-Ilgicho))

  • 이호열
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제1권2호
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    • pp.9-38
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    • 1992
  • In the study the documents in Ryu Hee-Choon's diary (Miahm-Ilgicho) from Oct. 29th 1575 to Feb. 9th 1577, for Kaeg-Chung(客聽) are arranged and analized. Ryu, Hee-Choon (Mi-ahm) was a civil minister in the era of Myung-Jong to Sun-Jo of the Chosun dinasty. This study would be one of the basal material for actually inquiring into the character of houses for the gentry in the late 16th century. Above all, the significance of this is that it study could show the details of the architectural economy, the organization of architectural society and the process of the supply of architectural material at that time. Craftsmen devoting themselves to this work are carpenters, artisans making roof titles, roofers and artisans constructing walls. And the content that are craftsmen of monks(僧匠), artisans of commoners(私匠) and slaves belong to government(官奴) is noticeable thing. In this construction work, monks in temples of the region and laboures commandeered by the government office are mainly mobilized. Except of them, private slaves and commoners mobilized by government office also devoted themselves to this work. But, it required more research whether this aspect could be the general character of the construction work of the gentry in the late 16th century. Architectural material, in the case of wood was cut and transported mostly from islands like Jin-do by labourers commandeered by the head officer of the region and monks. Superintendents seemed to come be non-specialists of noble families of the ruling class. So, it is thought that they managed mainly the manpower supply and administration. And some architectural ironworks, much provisions and marine products for labourers and craftsmen were proided by the government office of the region. This could be understood in the same context as above that goverment office of the region contributed to commandeering labourers and supplying architectural material in some degree. Carpenters and roofers took wages that is, about 7.7 pils(匹) of cotton cloth for each carpenter and 5 pils of cotton cloth and some provisions for each roofer. This would be a noticeable thing for researching wages of craftsmen at that time

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공신부인(恭愼夫人) 한씨(韓氏)에게 전달된 물품 및 출토복식 분석을 통한 15세기 조선 사대부 가 여성복식 고찰과 착장고증 (The Consideration and Historical Research of Joseon Ladies' Attire in the 15th Century by Analyzing Excavated Costumes and Presents for Lady Han, Gongsin-buin)

  • 최정
    • 복식
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    • 제66권7호
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    • pp.171-191
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    • 2016
  • Lady Han, Gongshin-buin(恭愼夫人韓氏: 1410~1483) was Gongnyeo of Ming emperor and sister of Han Hwak(韓確:1400~1456). The aim of this study is to analyze the characteristic of costume presents for Lady Han, and to investigate a part of Joseon women's attire in the 15th century. Most of the presents for Lady Han were native products of Joseon to help alleviate her homsickness, but surviving relics are very rare. The costume-related presents included daily accessories and fabrics such as natural ornaments, embroidered pouch, needle case, wig, wooden comb, portable knife with multi-blades, various colored plain silk [綿紬] and ramie. Also, preceding research analysis of costume relic were combined with study of presents for Lady Han's. The most salient costume of Joseon women in the 15th century was the symmetric collared jacket. In addition, ornamented jeogori, pouch with pine nut stitch, chima, jangot, jangsam, black veil[羅兀] made with ra or jeung, glass beads, paintings of Ming and Joseon can be references. Illustrations show 6 representative type of Joseon women's full attires in the 15th century are as follows. First, is a combination of 'symmetric collared jacket with peacock rank badge, jeoksam, chima, underwear' and 'hoa-a, janga-a, embroidered pouch, needle case, knife with multi-blades: presents for Lady Han'. Second, formal wear focusing on symmetric collared Jacket of cloud pattern. Third, formal wear focusing on multicolor ornamented jeogori. Fourth, town wear with jangot and neoul. Fifth, formal wear with jangsam. Sixth, daily wear focusing on banbi with symmetric squre collar. Accessories and underwear shown in another illustration were same as the first illustration. Results of this study can be used as content for making historically accutate costumes as well as costume education.

사대부 묘 석인상 복식의 양식변화 요인에 관한 고찰 (Factors relating to Changes in Costume Style of Stone Statues at Tombs of the Emerging Gentry (Sadaebu) in the Joseon Dynasty)

  • 이은주
    • 복식
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    • 제58권6호
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    • pp.12-23
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    • 2008
  • This study reports the costume changes and the factors of the changes from stone status in joseon dynasty. It can be summarized as follows: First, the artisan for the statues is one of the most important factors for the costume changes. The artisans who were involved in building the King's tomb were also made the stone statues for scholars' tombs. This results in that the style of the King's tomb influenced the costumes of stone statues for scholars' tombs. Some craftsmen who were buddhist monks also influenced the introduction of buddhist arts. Second, the stone statues are classified into 3 types according to the dead's social position: the civil officer statues, the military official statues, and the servant statues are installed for the civil officer, the military officers, and others, respectively. This principle was applied well. However, the civil official statues are mainly installed in late joseon dynasty because the civil officers are socially preferred to the military officers in late joseon dynasty. Third, there are two types of civil officer statues; Gongbok type and jobok type. Civil officer statues of Gongbok type were mainly installed in early joseon dynasty and civil officer statues of jobok type were begun to be installed in the early 16th century. Civil officer statues of Gongbok type were fade out after the late 17th century. Fourth, there are three reasons why civil officer statues of jobok type were installed at the officers's tombs 270 years earlier than at the Kings' tombs: 1) Introduction of Daemyunghoejeon and its application, 2) an establishment of a system that requires to prepare jobok individually, and 3) self-confidence of scholars' class on political and cultural maturity.

심청전 목판 체 연구 (a study of typeface)

  • 안상수
    • 디자인학연구
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    • 제14권
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    • pp.321-333
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    • 1996
  • <심청전 목판 체>는 질박·고졸하며 간결하고 강한 맛을 내는 멋스러운 글자꼴이다. 특히 이 글자꼴은 조선후기 사대부 취향의 도서로서 만족할 수 없었던, 서민층의 욕구를 충족시키기 위해 판매를 목적으로 발행된 방각본 소설에 사용되었다. 이 글자꼴은 한글 창제 초기의 기하학적이고 원리적인 한글 꼴이 붓이라는 필기도구의 영향을 거쳐 목판의 칼 새김 맛과 목판 인쇄 특성에 따라 서민적인‘허튼 꼴’로 정착한 것이라 할 수 있다. <심청전 목판 체>의 특징은 전체적으로 납작한 형태로, 가로줄기·보가 가늘고 세로줄기·기둥이 두텁다. 그 자소 단위의 쪽 자는 최대한도 허용된 자리를 차지하고 살리면서도 공간 이용에 짜임새가 있고, 단순하면서도 변화를 추구하는 형태적 특징을 갖는다.

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『미암일기(眉巖日記)』분석을 통한 16세기 사대부가(士大夫家) 음식문화 연구 - 정묘년(丁卯年)(1567년(年)) 10월(月)~무진년(戊辰年)(1568년(年)) 9월(月) - (A Study on the 16th Century Food Culture of Chosun Dynasty Nobility in "Miam's Diary")

  • 김미혜
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제28권5호
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    • pp.425-437
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    • 2013
  • The aim of this study was to establish the identity of Korean traditional food based on the recorded food preferences during the period of the Chosun Dynasty. Our primary source in this regard was the invaluable, historical document called the "Miam's diary." This important document reveals details of such food preferences from October 1567 to September 1568. By analyzing the income-expenditure trends of virtually every household, this diary was used to describe a vivid traditional food preference of the people during that period. A detailed analysis of the diary reveals the summary of families' characteristics in the 16th century. First, it records the fact that expenditure on food was mainly based on stipend and gifts received. The type of food preferred by the people was diverse in nature; for it included rice, bean, chicken, pheasant, and seafood. However, there were dried or pickled forms too so as to prevent them from undergoing decay. Second, it throws light on the fact that people expended food mainly as a salary for servants. People utilized the income from selling such food items to purchase goods and land. They also used the same either to donate for a funeral or wedding purpose. Third, it records the fact that day-to-day purchase of groceries was mostly based on gift(s) for someone close to them such as a neighbor, colleague, relative, or student. Further, such gifts included small groceries, food items, and clothes. Fourth, based on the data available in the diary, it seemed likely that the gentry families laid emphasis on the customary formalities of a family dating back to as early as the late 16th century. Finally, the document also records the fact that noblemen of the Chosun Dynasty had a notion that they had to extend warmth and affection by presenting generous gifts to their guests at home. Noblemen during that period were very particular in welcoming their guests as they believed that this approach alone would testify their status as noblemen.

옥소 권섭의 학창의에 관한 연구 - "옥소고"소재 학창의 관계자료를 대상으로- (A Study on Okso, Keun Seob's Hakchangeui(학창의)-Examining Data about Hakchangeui Written in $\lceil$Oksoko(옥소고)$\rfloor$-)

  • 이민주
    • 복식문화연구
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    • 제13권2호
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    • pp.269-279
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    • 2005
  • Okso, Keun Seob($1671\sim1759$) was descended from a noble family of Noreun(노론) and learned from his uncle, Keun Sang-ha who is a disciple of Song Si-Yeol, Kim Chang-hyeub and Kim Chang-heub. His $\lceil$Oksoko$\rfloor$ remains in the form of a transcription or a lithographic printing, and documents on 'Hakchangeui' are recorded in jabeui(잡의), Euijedogi(의제도기), which is a part of it. He left Seoul in 1714, settled in Chungpung, journeyed to many places, including the Hwang river area and Jecheon and led a literary and artistic life as Sadaebu(사대부), which was written in a collection of his works where the record about 'Hakchangeui', the most suitable clothes for the life of a retired scholar remains today to express one part of his life. This study introduces data about Hakchangeui written in $\lceil$Oksoko$\rfloor$, pursues the reason why Okso, Keun Seob told about it and intends to embody the figure of Hakchangeui based on the system, measure, material, and sewing method according to the records in a collection. Hakchaneui described in $\lceil$Oksoko$\rfloor$ reveals a structure that is different from old Hakchaneui, showing characteristics like the following. It is a Sadaebu's costume for field amusement in which the length of a former part is longer than that of a later part and the side seam of a garment rips. Black Yeon is attached to the white texture. Yeon widths of Git(collar), Sugu and Gil are varied, respectively. Yeon's figure attached to Gil and Somaejindong is a mountain. Git is Bangryeong and link parts between Git and Gil is connected with Sangchim. This Hakchangeui is considered to playas a gown because it has no string or support to adjust his dress. Especially we can identify that Hwayanggun(화양건) was used in this Hakchangeui.

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시조의 자연, 그 '말없음'의 의미론 (The Significance of Nature's silence in sijo)

  • 류수열
    • 한국시조학회지:시조학논총
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    • 제20집
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    • pp.5-27
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    • 2004
  • 이 글은 자연의 '말없음'을 상찬하는 일군의 작품들을 대상으로 하여 그 구체적인 의미를 밝히는 데 목적을 두고 있다. 이를 위해 오해와 거짓을 주요 소재로 삼고 있는 작품군들과 비교하였다. 자연의 말없음을 미덕으로 예찬하는 것은 세속의 언어가 지니는 허위성에 대한 반대 급부이다. 이는 세속과 언어를 동시에 부정함으로써 도달하게 되는 필연적인 귀결인 것이다. 세속은 인간의 이해 관계가 상충하는 삶의 공간으로서, 이런 곳에서 시비와 곡직을 따지는 것은 필연적이다. 이런 점에서 이들 시조에서는 자연이 삶의 원리로서가 아니라 현실의 반대항으로 자리하고 있다고 보는 편이 타당할 것이다 시조 시인들에 의해 자연의 말없음이 상찬된 것은 시비와 곡직의 초월이라는 현실적 욕망에 견인된 결과로 보는 것이 옳을 것이다. 따라서 적어도 시조 시인들에게 자연은 순수한 경물이 아니었다. 유교 사회에서 자연은 인간과 분리되지 않았고, 도덕의 자연화와 자연의 도덕화가 동시적으로 구조화되었기 때문이다.

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「쇄미록(鎖尾錄)」에 기록된 16세기 사대부가 절사(節祀)와 세시음식(歲時飮食) 연구 (Study on the 16th century Noble Lineage's Rites and Seasonal Food Recorded in the Shaemirook)

  • 김미혜
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제35권1호
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    • pp.14-27
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    • 2020
  • This study examined the document Shaemirok, which recorded the daily lives of people from Jangsoo (長水), Junrado to Pyeongang (平康), Gangwondo, from 1591 to 1601. This book represents the mid Josun dynasty Noble Lineage's diary together with Muk-Jae (默齋日記). This study analyzed the Shaemirok of Noble lineage's seasonal food and traditional Korean food through the lens of the Shaemirok. The Shaemirok recorded that Josun people practiced the Julsa (節祀) and Julshik (節食) during the spring, as follows: Sakil (中和節) five times on February 1, Dapchungil (Samjiknal) six times on March 3, Hanshikil five times on March 8, and Deungsuk (Chopile) three times on April 8. Samjiknal on March 3, which is mentioned six times, is the spring Julsa and Julshik that show up most frequently within the Shaemirok's records. The Shaemirok recorded that Josun people, practiced the Julsa and Julshik during the summer, as follows: Danyang (Danoh) eight times on May 5 Youdoojul six times on June 15, Chilsuk five times on July 7, and Bakjoong five times on July 15. Dangohjul on May 5, which is mentioned eight times, is the summer Julsa and Julshik that show up most frequently within the Shaemirok's records. The Shaemirok's author recorded Julsa and Julshik practiced in the autumn eight times annually. Joongangjul, which is mentioned six times, is the autumn Julsa and Julshik that show up most frequently within the Shaemirok's records. Shaemirok recorded that Josun people practiced the Julsa and Julshik during the winter, as follows: Dongji during November, Sul on January 1, and Daebohrum on January 15 Dongji and Sul, Daebohrum are mentioned eight and seven times, respectively, in the Shaemirok. The people of the Four Main Families of the mid-period Josun practiced more Julsa and Julshik in the winter than in any other season. The Josun people stored the most food during winter, thus had the highest abundance of food. This seasonal factor explains Dongji and Sul, Daebohrum's unusual frequency with which they were celebrated.

정치적 관점에서 본 관우(關羽) 신격화(神格化)의 역사적(歷史的) 변모 양상 고찰 (A Study on the Historical Transformation of Guanyu' Deification from Political Perspective)

  • 배규범;민관동
    • 비교문화연구
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    • 제42권
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    • pp.313-342
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    • 2016
  • 본고는 촉한(蜀漢)의 무장(武將)에서 출발하여 신(神)으로 추앙받고 있는 관우의 생명력을 역대 왕조의 정치적 측면에서 찾았다. 관우는 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시대에는 일개 장군으로 묘사되었지만, 수당(隋唐) 시대를 거치며 무성왕묘(武成王廟) 종사(從祀)를 통해 국가 사전(祀典)에 편입되었고, 다시 송원(宋元)시대에는 '후(侯)'에서 '공(公)'으로, 다시 '공(公)'에서 '왕(王)'으로 신분의 급상승을 이루었다. 관우 신격화가 절정에 이른 명청(明淸) 시대에 이르면, '왕(王)'을 넘어 '제(帝)'로 등극하면서 삼계(三界)를 통섭하는 최고의 권능을 부여받게 된다. 그는 백성에서부터 사대부에 이르기까지 생활신앙과 도덕 정신에 영향을 미쳤고, 결국은 정신적 수호신(守護神)으로 존재할 수 있었다. 역사상 통치자가 관우(關羽)에게 내린 봉호(封號)는 다양했지만, 그 속에는 국가의 재난 해소와 봉건통치의 유지와 보호라는 정치적 필요성이 깔려 있었다.

조선시대 왕릉 석물의 재료와 제작 방법 변화에 관한 연구 - 신도비와 표석, 상석을 중심으로 - (A Study on the Change of Materials and Fabrication Techniques of Stone Figures in Royal Tombs of the Joseon Period - Focusing on Shindobi, Pyo-Seok, and Sang-Seok -)

  • 차문성
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제52권4호
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    • pp.56-77
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    • 2019
  • 비석은 상례문화의 보고이자 서예사의 정수로서 시대사·사회사를 조명할 수 있는 중요한 문화재지만 그 연구는 아직 미미하다. 특히 비각의 제작 방식에 관한 것은 아직 미증유의 분야로 남아 있어 연구가 절실한 편이다. 비석의 제작은 석재의 탁마 과정과 조각, 그리고 글씨를 새기는 북칠 과정으로 대별할 수 있다. 본고에서는 이와 관련하여 몇 가지의 사실을 밝히고 있다. 첫째, 신과 관련한 의물(神儀物)인 상석, 혼유석, 비석에는 정교한 마정(磨正) 작업을 가한다. 이는 임진왜란, 병자호란의 영향으로 인한 유교적 상·제례의 정착과 전파로 혼유석에 대한 인식의 변화에 기인한다. 둘째, 영조 때 오석(烏石)의 비약적인 확산과 사저취용(私儲取用)은 사회·문화사적으로 큰 의미를 가지고 있다. 상품(上品)의 강화석이 고갈되자 사대부에서 사용하던 오석을 천릉한 장릉에 사용한 이후 사대부들을 중심으로 퍼지게 된다. 특히 오석의 사용과 마정 작업은 화학적·물리적 손상을 최소화시킬 수 있었다. 셋째, 비석의 각자 기술은 북칠(北漆)에 있다. 효종 영릉 천릉 시에 송시열의 지문을 북칠한 이후부터 북칠 과정은 동아시아에서 우리나라가 가장 성행했고 제도화된 점은 특기할 만하다. 북칠은 오석의 검은 색으로 인해 흑묵보다 붉은 당주를 이용하면서 더욱 정교화된다. 넷째, 조선 후기에 들어서면서 각자 방식에도 변화가 일어난다. 영조 연간까지 각자는 획의 두께에 따라 각의 깊이를 결정해 음영을 표현하고 양감을 나타냈다. 물론 이 같은 기법은 모든 표석이나 신도비에서 나타나는 것은 아니나 내수사에 소속된 뛰어난 경공장들의 전습에 의해 유지되었다. 따라서 비석을 제작하기 위해서는 숙석, 연정, 마정, 정간, 초도서입, 중초, 입각, 교정, 장황의 단계를 거쳐 하나의 완성품이 이뤄진다. 이러한 것은 묘주에 대한 존경심과 공업을 알리는 목적이지만, 이를 통해 공예 기능의 분업과 협업에 바탕을 둔 작업이 표석의 전체 제작 과정에 나타난다는 사실을 알 수 있다.