• Title/Summary/Keyword: 불교의 상징성

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Study Regarding Species Identification for Hanging Paintings and Hanging Painting Storage Boxes in Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 괘불탱 및 괘불궤 수종에 대한 연구)

  • Kim, Sun Kwan;Choi, Jaewan;Jeong, Ah Ruem
    • Journal of Conservation Science
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    • v.32 no.4
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    • pp.535-548
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    • 2016
  • Hanging paintings are used for special ceremonies in Buddhist temple. They are stored in special storage box called "Gwaebulgwae" which means storage box for a hanging painting. Studies regarding pigments, background fibers and textiles of hanging paintings are carried out with many data in the field of conservation science. However, there are only few studies for the axes of hanging paintings and storage boxes. In this study, species identification for wooden axes of hanging paintings and storage boxes from the Joseon dynasty are carried out. Hanging painting of Beopjusa temple, Magoksa temple, Sudeoksa temple, Gaeamsa temple, Sudosa temple, Bukjangsa temple, Dorimsa temple, Tongdosa temple and Daeryeonsa temple are selected. Sampling is carried out from the axes of hanging paintings and storage boxes. 81 samples are collected from hanging paintings and storage boxes. As a result, 51 hard pines of Pinus spp., 8 Tilia spp., 6 Juniperus spp., 5 soft pines of Pinus spp., 4 Tsuga spp., 3 Pseudotsuga spp., 2 Berchemia spp., 1 Pyrus spp., 1 Bambusoideae are identified. Tsuga spp. and Pseudotsuga spp. might be used in conservation and restoration works in modern times because those species do not naturally grow in Korea. Most hanging paintings and storage boxes are made of hard pine. Also, some of are made of Tilia spp., because it represents the symbol of Buddha. Some unique kinds of trees used for wooden sculpture are identified, such as Juniperus spp. and Berchemia spp. Authentic conservation and restoration works could be carried out with this data-base.

A Study on Commemoration Culture of Vietnam War Memorials in Vietnam (베트남전쟁 메모리얼에 나타난 기념문화)

  • Lee, Sang-Suk
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.3
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    • pp.26-38
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    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

Cranes(Grus japonensis) Adopted as a Traditional Factor in Landscaping and Gardening Culture (전통조경요소로써 도입된 학(鶴)과 원림문화)

  • Kim, Hai-Gyoung;So, Hyun-Su
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.3
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    • pp.57-67
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    • 2012
  • This study draws the following conclusions about the nature garden culture with crane that is a dynamic landscaping factor introduced into nature garden by analyzing the literatures on cranes written and landscapes painted in Chosun Dynasty. First, crane symbolizes such Buddhist, Taoist and Confucius media as appearance of Buddha, desire for Taoist hermit world and long life, and a solitary's life of proud loneliness. It has been recorded that crane was raised from the Three Nations Era till the Japanese occupation and Confucius scholars in Chosun Dynasty opened shows concerning crane or formed literature groups enjoying poems of it, and often using crane as their denial of going into government service. Second, in order to introduce crane to nature garden, people caught wild crane and made a fence and some kind of pond for their growth. In addition, crane was strictly managed by appointed slaves and they trained crane for dancing and then tended to allow a crane to play on the yard in terms of abstract meaning or got two cranes free in consideration of their ecology. Third, for more appreciation of crane and the expression of some symbolism matching for it, both plum and pine, which mean a solitary's life and long life respectively, were planted in nature garden. And, Confucius scholars in Chosun Dynasty also enjoyed their refined tastes with appreciation, napping, reading and playing the harp, accompanied by crane. As aforementioned, Confucius scholars in Chosun Dynasty did not only draw the meaning symbolized by cranes and write poems about such symbolic meaning, but also positively introduce crane into nature garden as a dynamic landscaping factor, so that they enjoyed synesthetic senses including looks, motions and sounds of cranes for their refined tastes.

A Study on HanYongUn's Sijo (한용운 시조의 내면 세계와 표현 미학)

  • Jeon, Jae-Gang
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.43
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    • pp.177-206
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    • 2015
  • This paper is written in order to research for the contents and expression of HanYongUn's Sijo. HanYongUn is very famous as monk and independent campaigner, modern poet in Korea. He wrote many kinds of literary works, for example, many modern poetry, modern novels, Sijo, Chino-Korean Poetry etc. It's very exceptional that he wrote a lot of Korean traditional Sijo and Chino-Korean Poetry. Because he was a many modern poet as same as modern novelist. So studying on his Sijo can help someone to understand the essence of HanYongUn's all literature. That's why I'm studying on HanYongUn's Sijo. The firstly, in aspect of the the contents of HanYongUn's Sijo, HanYongUn was expressing three kinds of themes, that is ideology, reality, daily life in his Sijo. The ideology consists of Buddhism and Confucianism and the reality is related with social conditions, the daily life is deeply connected with Nim. These features of his Sijo are different from his modern poetry and Chino-Korean Poetry which had a simple theme, for example, love with Nim, daily life. The secondly, in aspect of the expression of HanYongUn's Sijo, I studied the expression of HanYongUn's Sijo in three angles, that is, vocabulary and the developing of poet thinking, rhetorics. HanYongUn used essential words for expressing three kinds of themes effectively in his Sijo. And he was developing of his poet thinking by three steps in his Sijo. He applied several representative rhetorics to his Sijo, those are question and answer, exclamation, irony, distich etc. Even though I studied the characteristics of HanYongUn's Sijo in two aspects But there could be the other things to study about these kinds of theme. I might continue researching the other kinds of theme next time in the near future.

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King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

Stylistic Interchange Patterns of Stone Stupa Construction in the Gangwon-do Region (강원도 지역 석탑 조영(造營)의 양식적 교류양상)

  • Jun, Ji Hye
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.190-205
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    • 2016
  • Buddhist stupas, which are a symbolic architecture of Buddhism and enshrine the Jinsinsari of Buddha, were reinvented as stone stupas appropriate for the natural soil of Korea from existing wooden stupas around the 7th century after the introduction of Buddhism. Later, the construction of a stone stupa was expanded to local areas from the central area around the 9th century; thus, stone stupas of more diverse local colors were built in a nationwide scale, and today it is called a "country of stone stupas". While focusing on the stylistic interchanges between stone stupas, which were established in each region in accordance with the localization of the establishment of stone stupas that was begun actively from the 9th century, this paper selected several cases of stone stupas among about 50 stone stupas in the Gangwondo-region. First, the study compared the stone stupas and Buddhist priest tower of Seollimwonji, Jinjeonsaji, and Geodonsaji, which are located at the same temple site as the current Buddhist priest tower, from among typical Silla style stupas that match the 9 stone stupas in the Gangwon-do region. This is because stylistic interchanges were possible while there were mutually organic relationships between Buddhist statues such as stone stupas, Buddhist priest towers, stone lanterns, and Buddhist pedestals, which used the same stone material along with the expansion of Buddhism to local areas in accordance with the spread of Zen Buddhism in the 9th century. Second, a comparison was made of the stylistic similarities between the Woljeongsa Palgakgucheong (eight sides nine-storied) stone stupa and the Sinboksaji Samcheung (three-storied) stone stupa, which are totally different in regard to the number of stories and the flat form. These two stone stupas are representative Goryeo stone stupas. The Woljeongsa stone stupa is a Goguryeo-oriented stone stupa with many sided multiple stories whereas the Sinboksaji stone stupa has been known as an early case of the insertion of the support of Tapsin in each story. Although the two stone stupas may look very different, but through close investigation it was confirmed that there were many stylistic interchanges between them and not only the seated stone Buddha statue in the cylinder jewel case in front of the stupa but also the stone stupa established by the same master. Consequently, this paper aimed not merely to mention the simple patterns of stone stupas, but, further, to trace the interchange in patterns in accordance with the construction period based on those patterns.

A Specificity and Narrative Structure of the Russian Iconostasis and Korean Amrtakundalin(amrita painting, 甘露幀畵) (러시아 이코노스타시스(iconostasis)와 한국 감로탱화(甘露幀畵)의 특수성과 서사구조)

  • Lee, Kyw-Young
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.42
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    • pp.419-449
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    • 2016
  • The Russian icon and Korean tangwha (幀畵, altar portrait of Buddha) are based on the similarity of the divine Being. Each has the characteristic index that forms an existential connection with the object and at the same time, implies the symbolic meaning of the scriptures and doctrines of the Russian Orthodox and Buddhists. Russian icon and Korean tangwha with these attributes have origins in the Byzantine, India and China. Unlike most religious art, Russian icon and Korean tangwha clearly reveal profane orientation and mystical elements. This artistic phenomenon has evolved from the mystical religious culture in Russia and tantric rituals of the early Joseon period. Iconostasis, created from historical figures of the Old Testament, Jesus, the New Testament represent the principles of the macrocosm. Each icon of iconostasis has integrity, while each floor has another narrative and a meta-discourse on the entire composition. Three-Platforms of amrtakundalin can also have a huge epic that is directed from the Low-Platform to the High-Platform for the purpose of salvation. While the narrative of iconostasis has a time structure, from the beginning of the universe up to date in chronological time, amrtakundalin have pictorial transitions of time and space that rises from this life to a heavenly world. Despite the different world views of the Russian Orthodox and Buddhists, iconographical format and symbolism of heaven and hell in the Iconostasis, Last Judgment and amrtakundalin are similar. There is a constant antagonism between heaven and hell, light and darkness, water and flame. Iconographical contents include the water of life and nectar, the book of life and 'eoppu', and the scales and mirror of Karma that discriminate between the good and evil before judgment. The dualistic coordinate concept such as light and darkness, life and death, or heaven and hell that appears in the narrative structure of iconostasis, the Last Judgment and amrtakundalin leads the people to spiritual awakening.

A Study on the Current Planting Status and Maintenance Plans of Traditional Korean Temples (한국 전통사찰 경내 식재실태 및 식재정비방안 연구)

  • Lee, Seonhee;Jin, Hyeyoung;Lee, Hyun-Chae;Moon, Ae-ra;Choi, Woo-Kyung;Song, Yu-jin;Song, Jeong Hwa
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.1
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    • pp.53-70
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    • 2016
  • Korean temple gardens have very high preservation value as the place reflecting ancestral wisdom in harmony with nature. Not only as a religious place but also as a beautiful landscape place, many people including foreigners are visiting traditional Korean temples. However, current many Korean temple gardens lost their original value and meaning because of the inappropriate planting in traditional places. In this study, for maintaining the representativeness of traditional Korean temple, we researched the current planting status of traditional Korean temple. After the research of 51 traditional Korean temples, a total of 207 species of plants was investigated, and among them 128 species (61.84%) were Korean native plants, 76 species (36.71%) were cultivar plants, 2 species (0.97%) were naturalized plants, and 1 species (0.48%) is introduced plant. Korean red pine (46 temples), sawleaf zelkova (38 temples), and ginkgo (36 temples) were the high rank species among 207 species. Korean rare plants including black-fruit hackberry and Korean fir form 5.3% of total species, and Korean endemic plants including Korean weigela and Korean paulownia form 3.4% of total species in traditional Korean temples. On the other hand, plants that have religious meaning such as lotus, musa, and guelder rose form slightly. There is a higher proportion of traditional Korean plants than religious meaning plants in traditional temple gardens, so that temple gardens are highlighted as historic places. Based on the planting status, maintenance plans were established reflecting characteristics of each spaces: entry space, the precincts of a shrine, and flower stairs. As a result, we suggest that selecting a suitable plant species with regard to the religious meaning of the plant symbolism for newly designing Korean temple gardens.

Le Moi naturel et la cosmogonie chez Paul Valéry : au point de vue de la mythologie indienne (폴 발레리Paul Valéry의 본성적 '자아'와 우주 발생론 : 인도 신화를 중심으로)

  • JEANG, Kwangheam
    • Korean Association for Visual Culture
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    • v.23
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    • pp.463-524
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    • 2013
  • En exprimant 'la découverte de l'homme', Valéry, dans la Philosophie de la danse, représente «un plaisir qui allait jusqu'à une sorte d'ivresse, et si intense parfois, qu'un épuisement total de ses forces, une sorte d'extase d'épuisement pouvait seule interrompre son délire, sa dépense motrice exaspérée». Dans le même sens du plaisir, Jayadéva, dans son dithyrambe du Gîta-Govinda, représente la danse de Harî, une des nombreuses formes de Vichnou. Excités par le brûlant désir des jeux de la volupté, Hari et son amante Râdhâ cherchent au cours de la danse Râsa l'énergie vitale. Voilà la source du plaisir mystérieux valéryen. Ensuite l'eau, «élément essentiel de toute vie», est la mesure du temps de même que le soleil, l'eau est le principe de l'harmonie comme celui du monde. Finalement, chez Valéry, sous les diverses infleunces de l'eau mythique, la mer devient l'Océan de lait, soit le lieu de naissance, soit la substance maternelle, soit l'essence da la création universelle. Or tout au long de 「La Dormeuse」, Valéry évoque l'image de 'Vichnou-Narayana' sous l'influence de la mythologie indienne. Et sous une autre influence de Flaubert, Valéry évoque « d'étranges mondes abstraits». Malgré tout, Valéry crée lui-même, dans 「La Dormeuse」, une nouvelle image d'un monde abstrait : 'Vichnou-Narayana' couché sur un lit de lotus, porté par les replis du grand serpent Ananta, qui élève au-dessus du dieu endormi méditant, ses sept têtes formant une éspèce de dais - du sein de Narayana, richement décoré d'un collier d'étoiles et d'une couronne de pierres précieuses en forme de disque, croit un lotus qui porte Brahma dans son calice ; Lakchmi est aux pieds de son divin époux. L'épisode des dieux indiens est à un stade encore plus avancé de la destruction du symbole. Ils sont réduits à des formes symboliques obscures, non commentées et même difficilement identifiables. Le dieu rose qui mord son orteil dans une attitude à la fois mystérieuse et grotesque, c'est Vichnou qui a, selon le vichnouisme, le premier rôle dans la création du monde. Il flottait avant la création sur les eaux, couché sur une feuille de figuier, sous la forme d'un jeune enfant qui porte son pied vers sa bouche. Cette scène évoque la méditation et le repli sur soi de la divinité avant le commencement. Valéry désigne la cosmogonie particulière d'une religion bien déterminée(le vichnouisme) sans la nommer et en la vidant de son sens pouratnt capital, laissant subsister un symbole guetté par le grotesque, un dieu en enfance ; d'autre part, cette cosmogonie est télescopée et intégrée par une cosmogonie d'origine différente : le désemboîtement des trois dieux renvoie à la théorie sivaiste du Lingam, l'arbre de vie. Les dieux de la tirinité iendienne se détachent les un après les autres et il ne reste plus que la fleur sous la garde de Vichnou. Le désemboîtement des dieux paraît bien se référer à cette conception, malgré l'absence du lingam. Enfin toute la forme veille ; et tous les yeux sont ouverts.

Jeonghyesa Temple reconstructed at Yesan by Mangong and the meaning of the creation of the stone standing Avalokiteśvara statue during the Japanese colonial period (일제강점기 만공(滿空)의 예산 정혜사 중창과 석조관음보살입상 조성의 의미)

  • Lee Jumin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.22-43
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    • 2023
  • This paper deals with the stone standing Avalokitesvara statue in Jeonghyesa Temple that was created by Mangong in 1924. The stone standing Avalokitesvara statue of Jeonghyesa Temple is the earliest extant Buddha statue produced by Mangong, and symbolism was given to Jeonghyesa in the process of its reconstruction. So far, there has been no study that has approached ideas and beliefs through Buddhist studies led by Mangong and specific relics. In order to proceed with this study, Mangong's legal words and anecdotes and newspaper articles during the Japanese colonial era were used to trace the dynamics of Jeonghyesa and Sudeoksa during Mangong's reign, and to investigate the effects obtained from the creation of the large Bodhisattva statue and the meaning of its location. In addition, an interview was attempted with the descendants of master, who were in charge of the sculpture at the time, to confirm the exact construction period and the list of craftsmen. It is judged that the stone standing Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple has been influenced by the double covering and square crown seen in the standing stone statue of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva of Jeonghyesa Temple, the large hands compared to the body, the proportion between the head and the body, and the sense of enormity felt in the body like a stone pillar. Therefore, we looked at how the standing stone Bodhisattva statue of Gwanchoksa Temple, which was produced in the early Goryeo Dynasty, could have influenced the creation of the Bodhisattva statue in the modern period. A multilateral analysis was attempted on how the image of the Gwanchoksa Bodhisattva statue, which was used as a symbol representing Chungcheongnam-do in the Chosun Exposition held in 1929 and the visit to Gwanchoksa Temple, which began with the laying of the railroad during the Japanese colonial period, was used from the viewpoint of the succession and transformation of the style. With this study as an opportunity, it is hoped that the understanding of the prehistoric Mangong representing the modern period and the horizon of Korean Buddhist sculpture research in the modern period will be broadened.