• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.637-667
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• 2019

I have researched in the field the religious and performance culture of Indonesia through the musical iconography of Borobudur. There are many kinds of musical instruments which belong to India or Indonesia, performers being either court or folk musicians. Contemporary south-east Asian Indonesia has a broad religious heritage. Most of the population is Muslim, but the culture and customs are rooted in Indian Ramayana. I discovered, for example, the same percussion instruments played on a person's knees. I also came across similar string instruments with long and elliptical resonance casks on the iconography of the Incense Burner and Byam temple stone pagoda of Beakje dynasty in Korea and in Borobudur in Indonesia. The two musical instruments can not be found in other countries, such as Silla, Koguryŏ, China or the silk road area, but only Indonesia or India. This suggests that Beakje Buddhism is from the southern regions rather than China. I also discovered the same dancing motion with the court performers on the iconography of Borobudur, and the same musical instrument and performance in the Gamelan in today's Indonesian performance. Despite a disjuncture between the people and their past, the Shailendra Buddhism is alive in people's life and culture in the present day. So we can discover some familiarities between Indonesia's Gamelan and the percussional performance in Korean Buddhist rituals.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.191-222
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• 2011

Traditionally, the origin of the Han River has been thought as Utongsu(于筒水) and Geumgangyeon(金剛淵). As both of these places are located in Odaesan(五臺山) the $Ma{\tilde{n}}ju{\acute{s}}ri$(文殊) Holy Place, we can well assume the possibility of Buddhist influence on them. In the Buddhist understanding on the origin of the Han River, what we should first notice are 'the recognition on the water of Buddhism' and 'the recognition on the river in Indian culture.' With the reviews, we may come to see by what standpoint these could become existed, if there were Buddhist influences on the recognition of Han River's origin. Based on these Buddhist and Indo-cultural view points, the author tries to make more dearly the definition of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon that are recognized as the origin of the Han River. Through it, we can check the relation of Buddhism and Indian culture in their influence on the concepts of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon. In Indian culture, what is noticed in relation with the origin of the river is Anavatapta, in which the sacredness of the water named the 8 virtuous waters is recorded. It is the materialistic sacredness which can be compared with the sacred feature of Utongsu that "its color and taste are far greater than other waters, and so is its weight. ${\cdots}$ Its color and taste do not change even after it flows into the Han River." Furthermore, both of Anavatapta and Utongsu have the same symbolism of dragon that the highest dragon king and a divine dragon were told to live in respective lakes. This similar structure found in the recognition of two rivers' origin may become an evidence of Buddhist influence on the recognition of the Han River's origin. The recognition of the Han River's origin is based on the traditional culture. Therefore, it may be natural that there is the Buddhist culture in it. At the same time, some viewpoints of Chinese culture can be found in it. So, the traditional recognition on the Han River's origin comprises diversity and complexity of Indian and Chinese cultures together.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• Journal of Science Education
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.279-292
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to find the concept of life, the categories of living things and the systems of categorizing them contained in Buddhism, a sort of metaphysical philosophy. For this, monks who devotes themselves to Buddhism were interviewed, and the differences of the definition of life, the categorizing of living creatures and categorizing systems between biology and other subject teachers and students who are Buddhist and ones who are not were inquired. The result shows that in Buddhism, they use 'being' and 'sentience being' as the terms for creatures and they believe creatures are not individual ones but one collective existence connected with each other, which is very different from the biological definition of creatures. Buddhist include metaphysical beings in categories of living things rather than plants. Buddhist criteria for categorizing things which have life, that is living beings, are how they are born, whether they have a certain form and, lastly, whether they are conscious or not. Through this research results we could expect to identify the misconceptions about concept of life and the categories of living things.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.441-483
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• 2021

The introduction of dongbal[bara] is in line with Buddhism which was transmitted from India through China. Therefore, this paper tracked down the records of dongbal in Indian and Chinese Buddhism, and especially in scriptures and in ritual texts of Korean Buddhism, and studied the functionality and the use of dongbal, and the attributes of Baramu. Among the scriptures that record dongbal, 『Myobeopyeon hwagyeong(妙法蓮華經)』(A.D.406) is the earliest to be translated. The records of bara in the scriptures were written as dongbal(銅鈸) mostly, and that it was used as ritual tool(法具), instrumental offering, and religious ornament(莊嚴物). The oldest record which can verify that dongbal was used in Korea is 『Seodaesajajaeryugijang(西大寺資財流記帳)』(A.D.780). The oldest cymbals-like relic remaining today, the reliquary from the temple Gameunsa built in A.D.628, dates back to the early period of Unified Silla. This indicates that dongbal has been used at Korean temples by the 7th century at least. The records of dongbal(銅鈸) written in cheong-gyu(淸規, buddhist monastic rules) and ritual texts are classified as myeongbal(鳴鈸) and dongbal(動鈸). The letter 'myeong(鳴)' of myeongbal means to make a sound, and thus myeongbal refers to clash and make the sound of the bara. It is verified that myeongbal had certain established rules and methods. It appears that dongbal(動鈸) refers to Baramu(the cymbals dance) since the letter 'dong(動)' means movement or to move. Hence, the concept of movement was added to the signification of myeongbal, and became dongbal(動鈸), and then developed into baramu being transmitted until today. There are 8 types of Baramu transmitted in Korean Buddhist rituals, and they could be classified into purifying ritual, inviting ritual, protecting ritual, offering ritual, bathing ritual, dressing ritual, saluting ritual, and praising ritual according to their attributes.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.530-539
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• 2020

In this paper, we implement a digital content that visualizes the ten kings of Hell kings appearing in Buddhist myths according to their keyword. The ten kings of Hell are called ShiWang, and can be found in ordinary temples as tangible cultural Heritage such as paintings of the Buddha. ShiWang is a great king who controls the underworld and has been passed on in various forms in shamanism and Buddhist culture. We analyze the ShiWang, who appears in ancient literature, analyzes its features by hell and categorizes keywords. When the public chooses keywords of interest from implemented digital content, digital content represents the ShiWang and Hell image and descriptions associated with the selected keywords. Applications of the digital content are as follows; development of games and cultural characters, digital storytelling using traditional culture, teaching Buddhist culture and doctrines, games, etc.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.58
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• pp.85-117
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• 2001

This paper is focused on Buddhistic and ancient fortress excavated recently in Cheonnam Province. The outcome of Buddhism is researching the building place of the period of the Unified Shilla Period in Geumdunsaji(金芚寺址). This is the first research for Bud

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.11
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• pp.944-954
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• 2014

This paper discusses how the traditional cuisine of Korea capitalizes on "nostalgia" for the past. While examining the (re)invention of Buddhist cuisine and Andong food, this paper contends that traditional Korean cuisine is commodified through a process of de-contexualization. This paper first discusses the possibility that the idea of traditional cuisine is an invention in the first place. The history of temple food, for instance, suggests that it was created as a vehicle for circulating and implementing the ruling ideology in the ancient societies of China. This paper then turns to the issue of the growing influence of traditional cuisine in contemporary Korean culture, which is related to the public's demand for healthy food and also tied with the South Korean society's need for promoting a national cuisine in the age of globalization. The rise of traditional cuisine is a sign that people are seeking to reform their eating habits and form a counterculture. Yet, another side of the story is that consumers end up taking part in the self-expanding capitalist market with more consumer choices rather than forming a genuine counterculture. In this respect, the reinvention of temple food is closely related to what Jean and John L. Comaroff call the "emergence of consumption as a privileged site for the fabrication of self and society, of culture and identity".

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.223-246
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• 2015

This study examined the characteristics of Buddhist books printed using metal type during the Joseon Dynasty period from a bibliographical perspective. It was found that there are 36 kinds of Buddhist books published using metal type during the Joseon Dynasty period that currently exist. In terms of the types used for publication, there were 9 kinds of printed editions by Gapinja, 13 kinds of printed editions by Eulhaeja, 2 kinds of printed editions by Jeongchukja, 3 kinds of printed editions by Eulyuja and 9 kinds of printed editions by Jeonsaja. Among them, The Buddhist books printed using Eulhaeja were 36 % of total with the highest quantity of 13 kinds. In terms of periods of publication, it was found that 27 kinds and 9 kinds of Buddhists books were published respectively in the first and latter parts of Joseon Dynasty periods. Among them, there were 19 kinds of metal type book editions published during the King Sejo period that occupied 70% of total. It appears that such phenomenon was a result of King Sejo's abnormal enthronement and Buddhism-friendly tendency.