• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.751-781
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• 2018

Task of circling the pagoda of Waljeongsa(Woljeongsa Tabdori) is the major intangible cultural heritage with representativeness and historical meaning as a Buddhism culture, one of the Buddhism folk plays, which was firstly played after the liberation. Woljeongsa Tabdori holds significant designation importance in terms of Buddhism folklore heritage with Korean unique tradition and identity of Gangwon-do province. Temples are demonstrating Tabdori nationwide but Woljeongsa Tabdori is the unique case that systematically inherits the culture based on the designation of being intangible cultural heritage. That is why it is needed to focus on the cultural and internal value of Woljeongsa Tabdori. Tabdori is the integrated symbol of Buddhism respect and worship to the Buddha and pagoda. It is hard to presume the originality of Woljeongsa Tabdori: given the history of Woljeonsa temple, it lies into Goguryeo traditional play and Bokhui(Pagoda circling folk play) in Silla era. It fits into the courtesy of Circumambulating Stupa considering Moon in Goguryo mural, background of Odaesan Hwaeom thought/tripitaka and essence of Octagonal 9-story stone pagoda. At the first stage of Tabdori, Buddhist musical instruments such as Buddhism temple bell, singing bowl, cloud-shaped gong and wooden-fish. However, later, Samhyeon Yukgak has been added and then, Boyeom and Bakpaljeongjinga were singing: it could be interpreted that it was a pure Buddhist ceremony but it has become to have traditional aspect and been spread to the public. The origin of Woljeongsa Tabdori is related to the explanation of Circumambulating Stupa that experiences the glory of the ending ceremony. When a temple has a rite, the Buddhists make an offering to the Buddha. At that time, Buddhist prayer, sermon and chant are followed. After the rite, the Buddhists are circling the pagoda with the monks while praying for Buddhist charity and making their own wishes. It prays not only going after death to Nirvana of the one but also national prosperity and the welfare of the people for peaceful reign. As the temple holds bigger rites, many Buddhists gather and the Tabdori was a success. The scene of circling the pagoda and making own wishes in line with the Buddhist sermon was solemn. The idea on changes and convergence of Woljeongsa Tabdori requires strategic inheritance to promote the transmission while maintaining the paragon and purpose of designating the cultural heritage and reviving its identity. Korean Tabdori was held in Buddha's birthday in April and the mid-autumn day. Tabdori is a memorial service type Buddhist ceremony that once the monk holds the Buddhist rosary, circles the pagoda and sings the great mind and charity of the Buddha, Buddhists follow the step, lighting the lantern, circling the pagoda and praying for the gentle and easy death. Transmission education of the successor, diversified approach of the expert's advice and discourse on the revival of the origin should be reinforced in phases.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.33-62
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• 2010

Buddhism was introduced in the Korea Peninsula 1600 years ago, and now there are over 10 million believers in Korea. The systematic Management of Temple Records has a spiritual and cultural value in a rapidly changing modern society. This study proposes a better management system of Buddhist temple records for the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism. this system Not only supports transparency of religious affairs, but presents a way for a more effective management. in this study, I conducted a study on the national legislation for the preservation of buddhist temples and the local rules of religious affairs from the Jogye Order. Through this, I analyzed the problems of Buddhist records management. in the long term, to improve these problems, I purpose the establishment of temple archives be maintained by parish head offices. This study presents a retention schedule for this systematic establishment system. I present charts for the standard Buddhist records management that manage the total process systematically from the production of records to its discard. Also I present a general plan to prevent random defamation of Buddhist temple documents and impose a duty for preservation. I intend for this plan to be subject to discussion and tailored to the particular needs of temple reads. In creating these charts standard of Buddhist temple records management, I analyzed operating examples of foreign religious institutions and examined their retention periods. I also examined the retention periods and classification system from the Jogye Order. Then I presented ways for this management system to operate through computer programs. There is a need to establish a large scale management system to arrange the records of buddhist documents. We must enforce the duty of conserving records through the proposed management system. We need the system to manage even the local parish temple records through the proposed management system and the operation of the proposed archive system. This study presents research to from the basic of the preservation and the passing of traditional records to future generations. I also discovered the historical cultural and social value that these records contain. Systematically confirmed Buddhist temple records management will pave the way that these tangible and intangible cultural records handed down from history can be the cultural heritages. establishing a temple records management system will pave the way for these cultural records to be handed down to future generations as cultural heritages.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.215-247
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• 2021

In Buddhism, there are specific terms related to miracles and miraculous acts such as the Sanskrit term, abhijñā, which was translated as into Chinese characters as shintong (神通). This term implies the six supranormal powers. It originally meant 'direct knowledge,' 'high knowledge,' or 'knowledge beyond the common senses,' which was understood as a superhuman and transcendental ability possessed by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and noblemen. However, this took on different meanings and morphed into different terms later in India and China. This article analyzes the subject, object, type, and purpose of these shintong, focusing on the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti (堅固經, Gyeonggo-gyeong, Kaivarti-sūtra) from the Longer Discourses (長阿含經, Jang-Ahamgyeong, Dīrghâgama) and exemplary Buddhist texts such as the Sanskrit, In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha (佛所行讚, Bulsohaengchan, Buddhacaritam) and the Chinese Records of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, goseungjeon) and Continued Records of Eminent Monks (續高僧傳, Sok-goseungjeon). The historical evolution and changes to the meaning of Shintong in Indian and Chinese contexts can be observed through these texts. In the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti, the Buddha said that there are three kinds of Shintong: supranormal footedness (神足, shinjok, ṛddhi-pāda), mindreading (觀察他心, gwanchaltashim, anya-mano-jñāna), and education (敎誡, gyogye, anuśāsana). Among them, supranormal footedness (multiplying one's body, teleportation, flying, walking on water, etc.) and mindreading were denied because, at that time, claims of this nature were used to appeal to people's emotions and inspire sincerity, but this was of no use in conveying the Buddha's teaching. On the other hand, education, acquired only with through enlightenment, was sanctioned as a shintong unique to Buddhism. However, in In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha, supranormal footedness and mindreading were described as important ways to lead people to enlightenment, while education pertained to the whole of spiritual work. In China, Buddhism was a foreign religion at first, and it urgently sought to be accepted. After the increase of its religious influence, introspection on discipline and practice was meant to firmly deepen its roots. In line with this, shintong and miracles were transformed and expanded to suit the Chinese cultural context. Such changes in Buddhist history are well illustrated by the shini (神異, miraculous powers) described in Records of Eminent Monks and the gamtong (感通, penetration of sensitivity) detailed in Continued Records of Eminent Monks. In Records of Eminent Monks, the subject of shini was that of eminent monks and its objects were those who did not know of Buddhism or believe in it. In Continued Records of Eminent Monks, however, the monks themselves could be objects of shini. The change of object suggests that the purpose had shifted from edification to awareness and self-reflection. Shini focused on edification, whereas gamtong re-emphasized the importance of the pure discipline and practice of monks during the 6^th and 7^th centuries when China became predominantly Buddhist.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.39-61
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• 2009

Numerous Researches on the Buddhist perspective of Wonhyo agree that the Mind is the core principle of Wonhyo's Buddihist perspective. Based on prior research, this paper identifies the philosophy of Mind-only(vijñaptimātratā) in the broader perspective, that is, "Mind is the first principle of the existence", as the core thought of Wonhyo. The objective of this paper is to reorganize the systematic theories of consciousness, one of the principle sectors of Wonhyo's philosophy of vijñaptimātratā. One can find most systematic texts of consciousness of Wonhyo in 『GiSilRonSo』 and 『GiSilRonByeolGi』. Although 『GeumGang SamMaeGyeongRon』 includes some interpretations of consciousness, it is difficult to formulate a consistent structure based on it. Beside tā.JangEui』, which discusses the meaning of vijñaptimātratā centering around affliction, Wonhyo's opinion about important issues of vijñaptimātratā philosophy such as ālayavijñāna, permeation, bījadharma, and aspects of perception appears in fragments. Thus, this paper focuses on 『GiSilRonSo』 and 『GiSilRon ByeolGi』, Wonhyo's interpretation of 『Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith』(大乘起信論), as well as 『IJangEui』, 『PanBiRyangRon』 and 『Geum GangSamMaeGyeongRon』. The researcher examines how one-mind, tathāgatagarbha, and ālayavijñāna become the principles of 'neither arising nor ceasing'(不生滅) and 'arising and ceasing'(生滅) of all beings. The process of how one-mind develops mind in terms of the Absolute(心眞如門) and mind in terms of Phenomena(心生滅門) and its ontological structure are also investigated. In addition, the philosophical significance of Wonhyo's interpretation of tathāgatagarbha and ālayavijñāna analyzed. Besides, the method how various theories about vijñāna from Tathāgatagarbha's and Yogācāra's philosophy can be synthesized is examined based on Wonhyo's arguments. The four aspects of existence(caturākāra 四相) -arising(生), abiding(住), changing(異), and ceasing(滅)- which is transformed according to stages and dimensions of 'arising and ceasing', and phases of mind such as delusion of three fine states(三細) and six rough states(六麤), five consciousness(五意), and six defiled states(六染) are interpreted based on Tathāgatagarbha's and Yogācāra's philosophical system.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.141-170
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• 2017

In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.101-140
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• 2017

Currently, the whole world is being swept away by spiritual movements. Since the Three Kingdoms periods, Korea has been under the influence of "The Three Teachings". But during the modern times, the word "The Three Daos" began to be widely used alongside the expression "The Three Teachings" within various circles of New Korean Religions. Regarding this, Daesoon Thought is particularly noteworthy due to its description of the religious realm spoken of as "Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism" and the figurehead of that realm, the "Gwan-wang (Crowned King)". This study suggests that there should be a distinction noting the differences between "The Three Teachings" and "The Three Daos" in order to understand the status of the "Gwan-wang" in Daesoon Thought and to facilitate the study Buddhism as both a religion and a religious principle within the context of "The Gwan-wang of the Three Daos". Chapter II, details the conceptions of "Dao" and "Teaching" in the Eastern tradition and "Religion" in the Western tradition. This chapter includes a discussion of how the word "The Three Daos" could be approached as a "Theory of the Three Daos" that explains the religions of the East and the West through comprehensive principles. Chapter III goes through descriptions in the Jeon-gyeong of Buddhistic faiths, doctrines, monks, and temples to discover the meaning of the Dao of Buddhism and Buddhist culture as contained in the Jeon-gyeong. In chapter IV, the Buddhistic characteristics of Daesoon Thought is clarified in three ways: the Dao of Buddhism as the "substance of form", oneness as "growth and nurturing", and "Jinmuk" as the leader of the Dao of Buddhism. From this discussion, it is shown that research on the Dao of Buddhism in Daesoon Thought is a crucial avenue for understanding the identity of Daesoon Thought. In other words, the status of Daesoon Thought is not irrelevant to the Dao of Buddhism or to Buddhism proper, but Daesoon Thought should instead be understood as pursuing the state of Gwan-wang (Crowned King), which has the Dao of Buddhism as an axis characterized as "the substance of form" or as "growth and nurturing". Also, it provides a comprehensive view by which the various aspects of Buddhism as a modern day religious phenomenon of can be understood under the principle of the Dao of Buddhism.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.269-305
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• 2020

Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• 중국학논총
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• no.61
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• pp.155-179
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• 2019

淸初, 王士禎與長兄王士祿同上公車, 與海內文人論文定交, 一時馳聲藝苑, 傳譽京師, 人稱'二王'. 王士禎之所以成爲淸初詩壇領袖, 在文藝方面受到王氏前輩與兄弟的薰陶和影響. 家學的淵源是王士禎吸之不盡的營養寶庫. 王士禎對其兄弟們互相切磋. 勸學共勉, 尤其是長兄王士祿, 是王士禎詩的啟蒙人之一, 實際上是爲兄兼師, 對王士禎的詩歌創作與理論兩方面的影響無與論比的. 王士祿仕宦不達, 物役艱難, 尤經歷兩次被入獄的痛苦, 終生靠佛教, 又在香奩體詩見長, 故王士禎受到長兄王士祿的愛好. 王士祿的佛學修養對王士禎深有影響, 王士禎與不少禪僧交遊, 而且王士禎晩年自放逃禪, 深究佛理. 甚至, 王士禎所標榜的神韻說, 長期建樹在詩禪一致的角度, 其理論體系與參禪的原理與標準幾乎沒有差別, 所以嚴羽和王士禎共以禪喩詩, 從創作構思和作態度至於創作技巧, 皆與頓悟境地十分相似, 如王士禎《香祖筆記》卷八曰"捨筏登岸, 禪家以爲悟境, 詩家以爲化境, 詩禪一致, 等無差別. " 其次, 王士祿喜歡作香奩詩, 也有對王士禎的影響. 在中國古典詩歌的角度, 香奩詩不包含雅正文學的範圍, 反而有香奩詩爲淫靡之作的看法. 但是, 王士祿認爲香奩詩表現出人間純粹感情的抒情詩的特徵, 肯定香奩詩一定包含傳統抒情詩的領域, 具備登上中國詩歌之大雅之堂的資格. 王士禎同樣視香奩詩爲內質相同的文學, 甚至香奩詩也有諷諭功能, 能反映出當時現實與時代的眞相. 如此, 王士祿鼓吹香奩詩, 肯定重情思想, 這些顯然對王士禎産生了影響.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.185-206
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• 2004

We see the term in Tosan 12 songs and other poems by Leehwang. The term means 'Birds fly in the sky, Fish swim in the water.' It is important I think in that it is the point of contact between his poems and thought. There is a gap between original text of , [The way of mean (중용)] and Leehwang's understanding. It is same with Buddhism and Taoism as confucianism in the idea that we cannot describe the Ultimate into the human language. is the very confucian way of that. But Leewhang has the peculiar idea that it can't pass over the Moral state even though its meaning is over the human language.