• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.107-124
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• 2015

The 'Imjin System' (or Rimjin System) was established in 1962 as a new stratigraphic unit separated from the Upper Paleozoic Pyeongan System based on the discovery of brachiopods and echinoderms of possible Devonian age. Subsequent discoveries of the Middle Devonian charophytes confirmed the Devonian age of the system. The Imjin System is distributed in the Imjingang Belt between the Pyongnam Basin and the Gyeonggi Massif, spans from the eastern areas including Cholwon-gun of the Gangwon Province, Gumchon-gun, Phanmun-gun, and Tosan-gun of the Hwanghaebuk Province, to the western areas of Gangryong-gun and Ongjin-gun of the Hwanghaenam Province, and includes the Yeoncheon Group (metamorphic complex) to the south. Unlike the lower Paleozoic strata in the Pyongnam Basin which solely produce marine invertebrate fossils, the Imjin System yields diverse non-marine plant and algal fossils. Brachiopods of the system are similar to those from the Devonian of the South China Block and include taxa endemic to the platform, implying a close paleogeographic affinity to the South China Block. The Imjin System is generally considered as of Middle to Late Devonian in age, although there have been suggestions that the system is of the Middle Devonian to Carboniferous in age. North Korean workers postulated that the Imjin System was deposited in the current geographic position, where the "Imjin Sea" (an extension of the South China Platform) was located during the Devonian. The Imjin System displays strong local variations in stratigraphy and its thickness. It has recently been reported that the strata are repeated and overturned by thrust faults in many exposures. The Yeoncheon Group a southward extension of the Imjin System, also experienced intense tight folding and contractional deformation. Northward decrease in metamorphic grade within the system suggests that the northern part of the Gyeonggi Massif and the Imjingang Belt are probably an extension of the Dabie-Sulu Belt between the South China and Sino-Korean blocks, and the Imjin System is an remnant of accretion resulted from the collision between the two blocks. In order to understand tectonic evolution and Paleozoic paleogeography of eastern Asia, further studies on stratigraphic, sedimentologic and tectonic evolution of the Imjin System involving scientists from the two Koreas are urgently needed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.105-113
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• 2015

The theory of landscape architecture applies environmental ethics in order to secure an ecological status. However, environmental ethics that focus on nature conservation excludes landscape architecture as artifacts. In the process, it is hard to identify what landscape architecture insists on as the middle position between humans and nature. Rather, landscape architecture pretends to be an 'agent of nature' and pushes the traditional moral values 'for people.' Therefore, the purpose of this study is to reestablish the anthropocentrism moral position of landscape architecture through critical analysis. Hargrove's weak anthropocentrism' of several environmental ethics branches accepts natural aesthetics(such as landscape architecture) as an ethical virtue. But environmental ethics makes landscape architecture a critical target. For that reason, this study looked into critical contents and objects that in a position to moral, aesthetic and landscape architecture. Critical details are as follows: First, nature is an absolute as an aesthetic and moral value, but landscape architecture is an imitation and takes a relaxed attitude about nature. Second, nature is full of aesthetic substance because it is self-creative, but landscape architecture is designed nature covered human flaws through imagination. Third, environmental management granting techniques in nature generate a moral nihilism. As an argument, environmental ethics overlooked the moral practices of landscape architecture beyond nature another moral aspect of creation and the imagination-and moral aspects of environmental management as 'care' because they rule out 'moral autonomy' and simplify what is considered 'good.' As a result, conservation cannot be the only virtue why the problem of nature in reality cannot be separated from human life. The moral position of landscape architecture based on a 'good life' is more appropriate under anthropocentrism than as a middle position.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.54
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• pp.179-210
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• 2017

By redefining the concept of history, my colleagues and I have reformed our department in terms of curriculum and faculty members. This paper is a report of some of the conclusions that we have obtained from this procedure. Despite a long relationship, two disciplines do not seem to match or complement each other in the Korean education system. We believe that this is due to the fact that the Department of Korean History has focused on "national history (NH)." By conferring a privilege on NH, persons, families, societies, regions, and others were removed from NH. To make matters worse, a biased view that history is just an interpretation has prevailed, and the empiricism of history was weakened, which brought about an indifference in keeping records and archives. In East Asia, "history" means both modern history and archives. The concern about the authenticity of records did not come from H. Jenkinson or L. Duranti, and not even from the electronic environment or the Public Records Act of 1998. Key concepts such as records, documents-archives, manuscripts, authenticity, compilation-appraisal, arrangement, and description are different from their signifiant but are same or similar to their $signifi{\acute{e}}$. In case of "provenance" and "original order," they are used in education and practice in the traditional archives. History includes the recording, archiving, and the story or historiography of an event. In this context, the Department of Korean History should contain a more archives-oriented curriculum and select an archival-trained faculty. On the other hand, the department has accumulated long-term experience with appraisal and description of records; thus, archival science should absorb the criticism of the material. History will be shaken without the help of archives, while archives will lose their root without history. We are at the point in which we need to be reminded why we want to be a historian or an archivist, and for this, the more colleagues, the better.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.105-120
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• 2011

A moat is a pond or waterway paved on the outside of a fortress that is one of the facilities to prevent enemy from approaching the fortress wall or classify it as the boundary space, moats had existed in Europe, Asia and the America from ancient times to medieval times. however it is has been disappeared in modem society. In addition, a moat is a great value in historical and cultural sense such as offering a variety of cultural activities and habitats for animals, but unfortunately there is little consideration of its restoration plan. This research is aimed to investigate historical and cultural meaning and significance of moats which had been existing from ancient times to medieval times in the Eastern and Western. For this purpose, this research analyzed concepts and functions in consideration with times and ideological backgrounds of moats in Korea, China, and Japan. Results were as follows: 1. Moats in Korea existed not only in the castle towns of Goguryeo but also in ancient castle towns of Baekje and Silla. Natural moats and artificial moats existed around castles that were built to prevent and disconnect accessibility of enemies In Goryeo Dynasty and Chosun Dynasty, moats were also used as a defensive function. 2. A moat was generally installed by digging in the ground deep and wide at regular intervals from the ramparts, A moat was installed not only around a castle but also in its interiors. Moats outside castles played an important role in stomping the ground hard besides enhancing its defensive power. In addition, water bodies around a facility often discouraged people's access and walls or fences segregated space physically, but a moat with its open space had an alert and defensive means while pertaining its visual characteristics. 3. The moat found at Nagan Eupseong rumor has it that a village officials' strength was extremely tough due to strong energy of the blue dragon[Dongcheon] in Pungsujiri aspects, so such worries could be eliminated by letting the stream of the blue dragon flow in the form of 'S'. 4. The rampart of the Forbidden City of China is 7.9 meters high, and 3,428 meters long in circumference. It was built with 15 layers of bricks which were tamped down after being mixed with glutinous rice and earth, so it is really solid. The moat of the Forbidden City is 52 meters in width and 6 meters in depth, which surrounds the rampart of the Forbidden City, possibly blocking off enemies' approach. 5. Japan moats functioned as waterways due to their location in cities, further, with the arrangement of leisure facilities nearby, such as boating, fishing from boats, and restaurants, it helped relieve city dwellers' stress and functions as a lively city space. 6. Korean moats are smaller in scale than those of the Forbidden City of China, and Edo, and Osaka castles in Japan, Moats were mostly installed to protect royal palaces or castles in the Eastern Asia whereas moats were installed to protect kings, lords, or properties of wealthy people in the west.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.267-293
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• 2014

This paper is aimed at analyzing the characteristics of Image-Meaning theory focused on image in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty and SongMing period. Zhouyi' theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty was constructed on the basis of Zhouyi' theory of SongMing period. The characteristics of Image-Meaning theory in the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be explained largely by two routes. One is the perspective of critical succession on Zhouyi'theory of focusing on meaning that led Chengyi(程?) and Yangwanli(楊萬裏). As the representative of this route, Gwongeun and Toegye not only asserted Image-meaning theory focused on meaning, but also developed a perspective of taking all the image and meaning. The other is the active succession and creative transformation about Image-Meaning theory of Tushuxue that led Chentuan(陳?) and Shaoyong(邵雍). As the representative of that route, Yulgok and Yeohun explained the schematic diagram of the universe of the universe by using methodology of Tushuxue. Furthermore, they actively succeed Shaoyong' Zhouyi theory to expand Image-Meaning theory focused on number. In addition, Cho, Haoyi(曺好益)described the propositions - "meaning is not out of image area, image equipped with meaning all, then there is no law of limitation in image adopted theory. Those propositions are opposed to Chengyi(程?) and Zhuxi(朱熹)' ZhouYi' theory.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.9-32
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• 2014

Until now, the studies researching the Taoism theories of Joseon Dynasty have mainly dealt around the latter half of Joseon Dynasty. The reason for that was because the 5 cribs of a book Lao Tzu and the 2 crib of a book Changzi were produced after the Imjin-Year Korean-Japanese War(壬辰倭亂,Imjin Waeran). Therefore this thesis extracted the mentions about Taoism from about 200-year history records from Jeong Do-Jeon's Theory, which was the theoretical foundation for early days of Joseon's foundation and the history book King Taejong's Annals(太宗實錄) contained in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實 錄) and analyzed the extracted historic data as the first work contemplating how the Taoism theories were developed during the first half of Joseon Dynasty. From the analysis, this study drew out the findings as follows. Jeong Do-Jeon and Gwon Geun sharply criticized the Taoism for that it pursued for the techniques of longevity for oneself without moral. They tried to establish the identity of neo-Confucianism on the foundation criticizing the Taoism and the Buddhism. Since then, the Taoism was transformed through the 3 stages in The Annals of Joseon Dynasty. The first stage was the stage transformed 'Lao Tzu' as the witchcraft master of long-live, the technique of the taoist hermit and the super god in Taoism, and regarded the Taoism as heresy and excluded the Taoism. Second stage was the stage trying to see the book Lao Tzu as the core of Taoism theory separately from the 'Hermit Witchcraft' and the 'Taoist gods' the target of fortune-pursue religion beyond from the primary discussion of exclusion. Third stage was revealed as the respects on the art of politics and the art of living described in the book Lao Tzu. That is, the Taoism theories in the first half of Joseon Dynasty was developed with various spectrums from the early days of Joseon's foundation to 15~16 centuries beyond Joseon's strong suppression against the Taoism and the Buddhism in early days. That is the point that the Taoism in the first half of Joseon Dynasty can't be simply interpreted in the neo-Confucianism. During the firs half of Joseon Dynasty, the warm attitude toward the Taoism was created differently from the attitude against suppressing it as a cult, which had been created in the early days of Josen's foundation, and there appeared the changes accepting the art of living and the art of politics theoretically integrating with the Confucianism theories. That is, the book 'Lao Tus' became accepted as the Confucian country's arts of living and politics from a cult book pursuing for immoral log and immortal life. Such acception is revealed as the appearance actively interpreting the books about Laoism in the latter half o Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.22-44
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• 2023

The subsistence economics of the early Bronze Age has focused on explaining the intensity of agricultural practices without sufficiently taking into account the diversity of production methods that may arise from cultural types or environmental factors. The problem appears to stem from paying insufficient attention to the question whether we should understand the transition from the Neolithic Age to the Bronze Age as continuous or discrete. This has hitherto blocked an avenue to investigate the gradual changes in subsistence resource production methods. Taking as its premise that changes in the production methods of subsistence resources in the Bronze Age have been continuous and gradual, this paper seeks to restore the production patterns of subsistence resources according to the variety of factors that may have influenced the early Bronze Age production method. With diverse cultural patterns and ecological spaces of the early Bronze Age being confirmed, the work of restoring the production methods of subsistence resources in a specific period is difficult to achieve with one or two stand-alone analyses. A more appropriate method would involve separating a number of different aspects related to the production of subsistence resources, analyzing and interpreting each, and in the final stage, synthesizing the analyses. The specific research method employed in this paper checked for compositional differences in stone production tools, functionally categorized according to a variety of factors that have a close relationship with the production of subsistence resources: cultural-environmental factors and cultural patterns, geographical and topographical factors, soil productivity, and size of settlement. The results of the analysis are as follows: for the early Bronze Age production pattern of subsistence resources in the Seoul and Gyeonggi regions, while no substantive differences were observed with respect to cultural type, geographical and topographical location, the results show statistically significant differences in the composition of production tools according to settlement size and soil productivity. Also, with an increasing ratio of settlement size and total production soil, increases in hunting and armoring tools, woodworking tools, and harvesting tools were observed; on the other hand, when it came to the ratio of fishing tools, the opposite relationship was observed. While a correlation between settlement size or crop cultivation productivity and dependence on hunting or farming was expected, the results of the regression analysis show that settlement size and soil productivity ratios do not have mutually significant relationships. The results thus illustrate that patterns of production differ according to a variety of factors, and no single factor is decisive in the adoption of subsistence resource production methods by a specific settlement. Therefore, the paper emphasizes the need to investigate the production patterns of subsistence resources according to the variety of cultural and environmental factors that make up settlements in early Bronze Age society.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.224-264
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• 2010

A brief story of the tale follows : Mokdoryung was a son of an arbor tree and a fairly. When the boy was 7-8 years old, mother-fairy returned to the sky. By using father-tree, Mokdoryung survived from the flood where he saved ants, mosquitos, and a boy with the same age. They arrived on top of the highest mountain, met an old woman with two daughters, worked as servants. With help of insects, Mokdoryung passed the trials, married to a wise daughter and 2 couples became the ancestor of the mankind. Interpretation of the tale starts with amplification of tree which symbolizes Self and Libido. As the son of the tree-spirit and a fairly from the sky, Mokdoryung is a kind of 'divine child' which represents a psychic possibility to understand archetypal nature of unconscious. Adversities of early childhood due to mother's absence regarded as necessary condition for 'divine child' to attain highest good. Flood can be compensation of absence of feminine as well as to bring a new life. The notion of father·tree becomes a kind of life-boat has to do with union of opposite(vertical phallic tree and horizontal feminine boat). Ants and mosquitoes represent upper and lower level of unconsciousness, they mediate divine power. Therefore respecting insects means respecting unconscious, and reward of insects means salvation come from unconscious. The boy saved from the flood presents emergence of psychic energy in its latent unconscious condition to create mental dynamism. The old woman is Great Mother or anima, the controller or guider of unconscious. Working as servants can be an active service for the divine marriage. Trials of separating millet from sand, and finding right direction relate to separatio, means one needs to be separated from unconscious before conunctio, union of opposite. Two sets of couple becoming ancestor of man-kind has to do with number 4 (quaternity) as well as regeneration. Although the tale includes both positive couple (Mokdoryung, wise daugther in east room). and negative couple(shadow side of Mokdoryung, step daughter in west room)as ancestors of mankind, "Good" seems to be more valued than "evil".

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.391-405
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• 2003

The Daebong gold-silver deposit consists of mesothermal massive quartz veins thar are filling the fractures along fault shear (NE, NW) Bones within banded or granitic gneiss of Precambrian Gyeonggi massif. Based on vein mineralogy, ore textures and paragenesis, ore mineralization of this deposits is composed of massive white quartz vein(stage I) which was formed in the same stage by multiple episodes of fracturing and healing, and transparent quartz vein(stage II) which is separated by a major faulting event. Stage I is divided into the 3 substages. Ore minerals of each substages are as follows: 1) early stage I=magnetite, pyrrhotite, arsenopyrite, pyrite, sphalerite, chalcopyrite, 2) middle stage I=pyrrhotite, arsenopyrite, pyrite, marcasite, sphalerite, chalcopyrite, galena, electrum and 3) late stage I=pyrite, sphalerite, chalcopyrite, galena, electrum, argentite, respectively. Ore minerals of the stage II are composed of pyrite, sphalerite, chalcopyrite, galena and electrum. Systematic studies (petrography and microthermometry) of fluid inclusions in stage I and II quartz veins show fluids from contrasting physical-chemical conditions: 1) $H_2O-CO_2-CH_4-NaCl{\pm}N-2$ fluid(early stage I=homogenization temperature: 203∼3$88^{\circ}C$, pressure: 1082∼2092 bar, salinity: 0.6∼13.4 wt.%, middle stage I=homogenization temperature: 215∼28$0^{\circ}C$, salinity: 0.2∼2.8 wt.%) related to the stage I sulfide deposition, 2) $H_2O-NaCl{\pm}CO_2$ fluid (late stage I=homogenization temperature: 205∼2$88^{\circ}C$, pressure: 670 bar, salinity: 4.5∼6.7 wt.%, stage II=homogenization temperature: 201-3$58^{\circ}C$, salinity: 0.4-4.2 wt.%) related to the late stage I and II sulfide deposition. $H_2O-CO_2-CH_4-NaCl{\pm}N_2$ fluid of early stage I is evolved to $H_2O-NaCl{\pm}CO_2$ fluid represented by the $CO_2$ unmixing due to decrease in fluid pressure and is diluted and cooled by the mixing of deep circulated meteoric waters ($H_2O$-NaCl fluid) possibly related to uplift and unloading of the mineralizing suites. $H_2O-NaCl{\pm}CO_2$ fluid of stage II was hotter than that of late stage I and occurred partly unmixing, mainly dilution and cooling for sulfide deposition. Calculated sulfur isotope compositions ({\gamma}^{34}S_{H2S}$) of hydrothermal fluids (3.5∼7.9%o) indicate that ore sulfur was derived from mainly an igneous source and partly sulfur of host rock. Measured and calculated oxygen and hydrogen isotope compositions ({\gamma}^{18}O_{H_2O}$, {\gamma}$D) of ore fluids (stage I: 1.1∼9.0$\textperthousand$, -92∼-86{\textperthansand}$, stage II: 0.3{\textperthansand}$, -93{\textperthansand}$) and ribbon-banded structure (graphitic lamination) indicate that mesothermal auriferous fluids of Daebong deposit were two different origin and their evolution. 1) Fluids of this deposit were likely mixtures of $H_2O$-rich, isotopically less evolved meteoric water and magmatic fluids and 2) were likely mixtures of $H_2O$-rich. isotopically heavier $\delta$D meteoric water and magmaticmetamorphic fluids.