• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Tribologists and Lubrication Engineers Conference
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• 1991.11a
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• pp.1-7
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• 1991

소련과 동구라파의 개방과 개혁으로 신문지상에는 냉전의 종식, 동서화합 등에 관한 기사가 심심치 않게 등장하며, 잇따른 미$\cdot$소의 군비감축 발표로 정치적으로나 사회적으로나 세계평화가 구가되는 시기가 도래한 듯한 느낌을 준다. 이러한 변화를 일각에서는 민주주의의 승리라고 말하고 있지만, 구체적으로 분석해보면 동구권의 개방고 개혁은 소비재 경제의 파탄으로 서방국가에 비해 국민 생활이 극심하게 낙후된것에 기인하고 있고, 그 원인은 기술의 상업화가 부재하였기 때문으로 서방과 동구의 현격한 민수용 기술격차가 동구권 변화의 근본적 이유이다. 오늘날 기술경쟁은 총성없는 전쟁으로 묘사되고 있으며, 기술정보는 군사정보 이상으로 중요하게 취급되고 있다. 우리는 상재국가 또는 경쟁기업을 대상으로 한 기술전쟁의 시대에 살고 잇다. 얼마나 우수한 물건을 저렴한 가격으로 생산해서 판매할 것인가 하는 문제가 기업의 생존과 그 나라의 경제를 좌우한다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 소련과의 기계기술 교류는 국내의 취약한 기계 기반기술을 고도화 시키고 부가가치가 큰 첨단 기계기술 분야를 국내 토착화 시킬 수 있는 좋은 기회로서 국내 기술계의 역량을 모아 합심해서 대처해야 할 것이다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.275-305
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• 2006

The main research question of this paper is as follows: How can broadcasting both cause the crisis in democratic participation and yet also offer the solution? The contradiction in broadcast localism has never been adequately resolved in spite of regulation at all in practice, in that localism simply cannot account for the diversity of modern life and for the external forces that incorporate local communities into much larger economic and communications network. The concept of locality in local television, however, has been multiplied and enlarged in order to adjust to "time-space compression". Recently the local television have been "interface" combining and negotiating the globalization of media market and the decentralization of political power, the economies of scale and the activation of local democracy, consequently aiming at the horizontal-cooperative network instead of old vertical-dependent one.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.1-20
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• 2017

This study tries to examine the emotion of the elite characters in Son Jangsoon's early novel, The Koreans. In this novel, most characters are found to have an envy feeling, except for two female characters, Heeyeon and Sue Han. Although the writer does not consciously explore the envy feeling here, she excellently represents the harmful effects of the envy feeling. In this novel, the envy feeling is related to the desire for success and its frustration. In 1960's, people had high expectation of improvement in their individual lives. The elite groups were more likely to have a successful life with good education. But in this novel, these elite people suffer from frustration of their desire and experience of the envy feeling. The impressive point in this novel is that not only females but also males are shown to have the envy feeling. Envious people have the tendency to compare themselves with people around them, to feel shame in an inferior position and to aspire for superiority. In these envious characters, the feeling of envy reveals their lack, their inferiority and it never provides them with the way to escape from their suffering situation. The writer suggests that the envy feeling can be overcome by pursuing other valuable things and focussing not on other people's desire but on their own desire.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.329-362
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• 2017

This study starts from the awareness that 'rebellious communication' is still being regulated in various ways even though 'rebellious communication' was declared unconstitutional in a decision by the Constitutional Court in 2002. The meaning of 'rebellious' has been amplified and transformed at various points through the censorship systems established during the Japanese colonial era, the US military period, and the regime of Park Jung-hee. In particular, 'rebellious communication' is regulated to protect 'national security' and 'social customs' from the perspective of power. This study analyzed discourses containing judgement about the Park Jung-geun case and the violation of the National Security Law using retweet accounts or posts related to North Korea. This study explores the genealogy of 'rebellious communication' based on its relationship to the characteristics of Twitter and specific individuals.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.47-52
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• 2017

The wave of democratization that started in southern Europe spread to South America and Asia, dismantling the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and appeared as a Jasmine revolution in countries of North Africa and the Middle East. As a result, many scholars have actively carried out researches related to the sudden change of North Korea, while taking a cautious view that the Jasmine Revolution might occur in North Korea. The focuses of the studies were on the cause and timing of the sudden change and the main forces of the revolution in North Korea. There weren't enough discussions on how the process will be developed and whether there will be a system change. In this study, based on the results of analyzing the systematic changes of the Jasmine revolution nations, it suggested five scenarios that can be developed after the sudden change of North Korea. Scenario type I: Relatively peaceful and the possibility of regime change, Scenario type II: Reunification and then civil war, Scenario type III: Regime changed but one of Kim Il Sung family grabbing the power, Scenario type IV: Successful regime change but civil war happening, Scenario type V: Regime change failed and civil war continuing.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.9-40
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• 2019

This study presents an investigation into South Korean films in the 1990s in the aspects of genre change and emotional reorganization. The 1990s witnessed a change of genres and a paradigm shift in the history of Korean films according to the revolutionary changes of the film industry structure and media environment. Believing that these changes had something to do with emotional changes driven by global capitalization symbolized by democratization in 1987 and the foreign currency crisis in 1998, the investigator analyzed the phenomena in film texts and examined the opportunities and context behind them. Unlike previous researches, this study made an approach to the history of Korean films in the 1990s with three points: first, this study focused on why the romantic comedy genre emerged in the 1990s and what stages its formation underwent since there had been no profound discussions about them; secondly, this study analyzed the biggest hits during the transitional period from 1987~1999 to figure out the mainstream genres and emotions during that period since these hits would provide texts to show the genre domain and public taste in a symbolic way; and finally, this study grew out of the separate investigation approach between melodramas and romantic comedies and looked into an emotional structure to encompass both genres to make a more broad and dynamic approach to South Korean films in the 1990s. History flows continuously without severance from previous times. When there is attention paid to inflection points and opportunities in the continuum, it can show the dynamics and structures of changes. This research led to the following conclusions: the mainstream genre of South Korean films had been melodramas until the 1980s. The old convention had been kept to offset or suture contradictions and excessive elements deviant from the structural consistency. Here, the structural consistency refers to no compliance to rational regulations or trade. The process of genre reorganization in the 1990s happened while securing some distance from the convention of making the structural consistency a sacrifice. The direction was to reinforce control through reasonable rationalism and logic of capital. It developed into romance, which would start with comedy to keep distance from the objects through laughter, heighten the level of remarks, and expand criticality, symbolize emotions with taste items, and build through the logic of mutual consensus and practical trade. In the 1990s, the South Korean films thus developed in a direction of moving away from the narrative of urgent pathos based on unconditional familism. It was on the same track as the entry of the South Korean society into the upgraded orbits of democracy and capitalism as the twins of modern rationalism since the latter part of the 1980s.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

This paper aims to examine to the political unconsciousness of social movies that have caused social repercussions in the 2010s, and to study the social imagination of Korean films at that time. Korean Movies such as (2013), <1987>(2017) and (2017) reflect the ethos of civil society based on common sense and justice. The epic structure was the same as that of ordinary citizens, who move toward a public space (court, square) after awakening their political correctness. More than anything else, the fact that such films were based on "a historical fact" could have been a strategy to avoid censorship in the era of the blacklist. In these social films, courts and squares have become places for democracy. The conservative government of the time was tired of anti-government resistance and the politics of the square. Thus, films from directors and producers blacklisted were difficult to produce. That's why the court in the movie during this period could become a symbolic proxy for the "legitimate" reenactment of the politics of the square, which was subject to censorship and avoidance by the regime of the time. Meanwhile, the square has gradually become the main venue for political films that advocate "historic true stories." The square of the 1980s, which appeared in the movies, will be connected to the Gwanghwamun candlelight square that audiences experienced in 2017. Furthermore, it was able to reach the concept of an abstract square as an "open space for democracy." At the foundation of these works is a psychological framework that equates the trauma of the failed democratic movement of the 1980s to the trauma of the failed progressive movement of the 2010s. Through this study, we were able to see that social political films in the 2010s were quite successful, emphasizing "political correctness" and constitutional common sense. But they also had limitations as "de-political popular films" that failed to show imagination beyond the censorship of the blacklist era.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.421-440
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• 2010

This paper examines middle powers' ODA policy in the post cold war era and discusses its implication for Korean aid strategy. Middle powers' ODA has been more successful than that of super powers in promoting donors' positive images and in stimulating recipient countries' development. Middle powers tend to pursue multilateral solutions to international problems often by taking a mediator role, and their ODA policies set them apart from the great players in international politics. Middle powers' ODA is primarily aimed at reducing poverty and protecting human rights in least developed countries where humanitarian aid needs the most rather than promoting donors' interests. Also, middle powers have provided bilateral untied aid in the sectors of food aid and emergency relief and steadily devoted about 0.7% of their gross national income to ODA. Meanwhile, Korea as an emerging middle power and a new donor has been implementing its own aid strategy under the name of the Korean development model since the post cold war period. The Korean ODA was not successful in building donors' positive images by simply following the short term strategies of US and Japan. Yet, its ODA policy has been quite effective in sustaining local development by creating specific niches in which the country can specialize in. In specific, Korea has focused on developing the sectors of information and communication technology and industry energy in recipients' countries by maximizing its comparative advantage.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.309-338
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• 1998

The American military occupations of Korea(1945-1948) and Japan(1945-1952) after the second world war had great influences on the history of the two countries, the contents and results were, however, quite different. This study attempts to analyze the similarities and differences, the determinants of the social welfare policy, and their long-term effects on the later social welfare policies in the two countries. For the purpose of this study, it uses a comparative case study on the public assistant policies of the two countries during the American military occupation. The conclusions of this study are summarized as follows. Firstly, although the American military occupations of the two countries faced the similar social problems during the same period, their countermeasures were quite different from each other. In Korea, the American military occupation hardly tried to establish a substantial social welfare system by making laws, but, mainly relying on temporary emergency relief, they just aimed for social control. On the other hand, in Japan, the American military occupation tried to improve the existing social welfare system in terms of the principles of demilitarization and democratization. Secondly, the political determinants of the social welfare policy in the two countries were much more important than the socioeconomic determinants. Especially the differences in the basic military occupation principles, the administration structure, and the roles of the indigenous ruling classes acted upon the different social welfare policies of Korea and Japan. Thirdly, the long-term effects on the later social welfare policies in the two countries was different. In Korea, the American military occupation hardly contributed to modernize the social welfare policy. Therefore, the unsystematic premodern relief system continued to exist for a long time. On the other hand, in Japan, the American military occupation contributed to modernizing the social welfare policy in terms of ideology and system and formed the groundwork for developing the later social welfare policies.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.319-352
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• 2013

This paper aims to compare Liang Shu-Ming and Lee Don-Hwa's perceptions of modernization and the philosophical grounds of their perceptions during the New Cultural Movement period in Korea and China. Although Liang and Lee had different levels of enthusiasm towards New Cultural Movement, they shared many commonalities in their attitudes to Western modernization and their philosophical justifications for such attitudes. Liang Shu-Ming not only held positive views of Western modernization, but also examined the spiritual dynamics contributing to the development in science and democracy in Western countries. By analyzing the three fundamental questions of life, three kinds of human attitudes toward life, three types of culture derived from human attitudes, and the recapitulation theory, Liang systematically reviewed the spiritual dimension of Western modernization. Liang defined the spirit of Western modernization as a calculative rationality based on egoism and the separation of Self and Other. Such a statement demonstrates Liang's keen insights towards Western modernization. Meanwhile, although Lee Don-Hwa basically held positive views of Western modernization, from the beginning, he pointed out the problems with Western modernization and attempted to overcome these problems by employing the "human is heaven" doctrine of Cheondogyo. While Lee embraced modern science and the theory of evolution, he also insisted on the legitimacy of mysticism and the compatibility of the creation theory of Cheondogyo and the theory of evolution. Although Lee employed the concepts in Western philosophy of life, he also emphasized the interdependence, reciprocal relationship, and connectedness between Self and Other from the perspective of Cheodogyo doctrine. From the fact that Lee Don-Hwa transcended the modernization theory when he was applying it to answer questions, it seemed that Lee preceded Liang Shu-Ming. Nevertheless, Lee did not demonstrate the keen insight into the spiritual dimension of Western modernization, and his criticism against Western modernization did not touch upon the problem of rationality as Liang did.