• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.171-202
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to explore the changes of right people for society on the period from liberation in 1945 to democracy in the late 1990s. Those periods classified into 'Transitional Era', Industrial Era and 'Democracy Era' based on historical events significantly influenced the changes of value system of Korean people or Korean society. In this study, not only main values and right people for society but also the way of changing value system in those periods were suggested by investigating factors of politics, economy and society. The results are as follows : Main values and right people for society on each period were as follows : In Transitional Era, main values were manners and social norms, and right people for this period were practical intellectuals pursuing the principle of action-oriented truth-and- knowledge-seeking. In Industrial Era, main values were sincerity, diligence, self-help and collaboration, and right people for this period were skilled man having occupational ability which was essential for economic development. In Democracy Era, main values were sincerity, participation, equality and coexistence, and right people for this period were scientific talented man who can make the survival of the country and prosperity in the crisis of the slowdown in economic growth A discussion of right people for each era, proposed that emphasis on the pragmatic and practical type of person in those days required, On the other hand, emphasized that were considered important of Community value.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.296-340
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• 2009

The power of media has always been problematic in the countries of full press freedom. Originally, the media used to be an effective vehicle for communication within human beings. However, it exerts an overwhelming power toward human society. Through applying the well-known four dog models in terms of media function, this study attempts to examine how the press media in South Korea transformed themselves into another powerful independent organization or institution after regime shift in 1987. The whole editorials of four sampled newspapers were analyzed through frame analysis model. The ChosunIlbo, known as a conservative and pro-government paper, shows to take the role of supporting chaebol policies under Roh TaeWoo Administration. However, it criticizing sharply against the chaebol policies of Roh MooHyun Administration. The JoongangIlbo, known as a pro-chaebol paper, appears anti-government position through the entire four administrations in terms of chaebol policies. Particularly, it reveals hostile editorial coverage during the Roh MooHyun Administration. However, KyunghyangShinmun, currently known as a liberal paper, viewed somewhat complicated positions (see text in more detail) because of its ownership turbulence during the past twenty years. On the other hand, Hangyoreh, regarded as a progressive paper, keeps in supportive attitude consistently against the four sampled administrations as far as regulating each government policies for chaebols.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.172-179
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• 2016

Korea society in the 1980s is the timing of the hybrid intermingled with the continuous industrialization in the 1970s and the democratic aspirations of the 1990s. Korean films in the '80s codified a tension and conflict patterns of the industrialization and democratization in the style such as film space. The purpose of this study is to consider how this aspect of industrialization and democratization in the '80s was codified in Korean films of the '80s. Specifically, it focuses on the style representing the urban space in Korean films of the '80s. This study looks at the changing pattern of the Korea Society through the 1980s by analyzing the space configuration form of Good Windy Day(1980) and Chil-su And Man-su(1988). Good Windy Day to finalize the '70s and Chil-su And Man-su to greet the '90s show the hybrid aspect of the '80s. In particular, the urban space style of the two films codified the political, economic and social culture of Korea as a whole.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.33-40
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• 2008

Alvin Toffler는 인류 발전 과정을 세 가지 변화의 물결, 즉 유목 채집 사회에서 농경 사회로의 변화, 산업혁명에 의한 농경 사회에서 산업 사회로의 변화, 그리고 1950년대부터의 후기 산업화 사회로의 변혁으로, 산업 사회에서 정보 사회로의 변혁이 일어나기 시작했으며 탈대량화, 다양화, 지식기반 생산과 변화의 가속이 시작된 시기였다. Herman Maynard와 Susan Mehrtens는 ICT (Information Communication Technology: 휴대폰 등), 인터넷의 발달로 제4의 물결이 시작되고 있다고 주장한다. 이전의 사회 변혁들은 물질 생산이 따르는 가시적인 변혁들이었으나, 디지털 혁명은 시민사회의 참여 확대를 통한 민주주의의 진화된 형태를 가능하게 하고 있다. 지금 우리가 경험하고 있는 제4의 물결의 시작은, 시민사회의 정책 참여와 견제가 효과적이고 효율적으로 이루어지기 시작하는 초고도 정보화 사회의 시작을 의미하며, 정책 결정 자들은 정책 결정 과정에서 그들이 보유하던 절대 영향력의 일부분을 시민사회에 이양됨을 막을 수 없을 것이다. 이러한 대변혁의 시대에 관료주의, Digital Divide, 그리고 시민 참여와의 상관관계를 이해하는 것은 매우 중요하다. 본 논문에서는 시민 참여에 대한 관료주의의 방침과 태도, 제4의 물결의 정책 민주화와 Digital Divide로의 영향 분석을 통하여 정책 결정 자들과 그들의 환경으로의 파급 효과를 논증한다. 본 연구는 이러한 분석과 논증을 통하여, 정책조직들과 시민사회와의 신세기의 바람직한 동반자적 입지 구축에 기여 할 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

This study aims to examine the continuity of national education between prewar and postwar Japan in the context of nationalism and citizenship education by considering the direction and process of educational reform which has been a turning point in Japanese education policy. It explores the limitations of educational reform at the normative level and institutional and procedural level. Meiji Japan needed to form a united group to support modernization while also cultivating obedient people who supported the emperor, and the modern education system played a major role in achieving this task. After Japan's defeat in World War II, the nation sought to change the framework of authoritarian nationalism inherent in Japanese traditional through educational reforms and achieve the goals of democratization and non-militarization. The postwar educational reform has transformed the educational structure, but democracy and peace orientation have not been rooted internally. Under the backdrop of the Cold War, the education returned to the inverse.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.52-74
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• 2015

The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.136-167
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• 2001

본 논문은 1996년 노동법 개정을 둘러싼 노동계의 총파업에 대해 보수적 성향을 갖는 조선일보와 진보적 성향을 갖고 있던 한겨레가 어떠한 방식으로 이러한 쟁점을 재현하고 해석하는 지를 분석했다. 당시의 노동계 총파업은 내부적으로는 민주화에 따른 시민사회의 성숙과 외부적으로는 글로벌라이제이션에 따른 국가 간 경쟁의 가속화라는 두 가지 정치경제학적 요인이 교차하는 공간에서 일어났으며, 동시에 광범위한 국민적 지지를 확보한 파업으로 그 상징적 의미를 갖고 있다. 이와 같이 주요 사회적 쟁점에 대한 두 신문간의 차이를 분석하기 위해 질적 분석 방법인 서사분석(Narrative Analysis)과 양적 분석 방법인 조응분석(Correspondence Analysis)을 사용했다. 서사분석은 사건의 발생과 진행 그리고 결말 과정에서 대립되는 행위자의 상징적 담론을 분석함으로써 사회적 쟁점에 대한 신문사간의 뉴스보도의 차이점 또는 유사성을 구분할 수 있으며, 조응분석은 주요 쟁점에 대해 행위자들이 어떠한 방식으로 서로 연계되는 지를 파악함으로써 역동적으로 총파업에 대한 행위자들의 관계의 변화를 공간적으로 탐색할 수 있는 장점을 갖고 있다. 서사분석 결과, 두 신문은 각각 서로 다른 서사구조를 기반으로 주요 행위자의 담론적 기호를 정반대로 구성하고 있었다. 사건 발생 단계에서는, 두 신문이 각각 국가 경쟁력 강화와 노동전 보호를 중심적인 서사구조로 설정해 차이를 보였으며, 대통령 및 여당과 민주노총이 대립적인 행위자로 설정되었다. 사건의 발전 단계에서는, 총파업의 불법성과 적법성 문제에 대한 갈등을 기본 서사구조로 제시한 채, 노동계를 포함한 시민사회와 정부기관이 대립적인 행위자로 등장했다. 사건의 갈등 해소 단계에서는 문제 해결을 위한 방법으로 두 신문이 대통령과 야당 지도자간의 정치적 해결과 노동법 통과에 대한 위헌론 제기를 중심으로 한 노동단체들의 지속적인 연대를 중심 서사구조로 각각 제시했다. 이 시기에서 주요 행위자들의 대립관계는 종료되었다. 조응분석 결과, 사건 발생과 위기 고조 단계, 그리고 갈등 해소 단계등 모든 시기에서 두 신문의 주요 행위자 구성에 있어서 차이가 나타났다. 다시 말해, 조선일보는 기본적으로 총파업을 둘러싼 문제의 구성과 발전, 해소 과정에서 정당이나 대통령, 야당 지도자 등과 같은 정치관련 행위자를 강조하고 있었다. 반면에, 한겨레는 대체로 로든 사건진행 단계에서 노동 관련 단체들과 시민단체의 역동적인 연대와 활동에 초점을 맞추고 있는 것으로 나타났다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.64
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• pp.157-186
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• 2020

RRecords management has focused largely on public records in south korea with a relatively low progress in the collection and management of private records with the enactment of Public Records Act in 1999. This study set out to categorize the records of the Coalition for Democratic Reunification and the People's Movement(DRPM) and develop them into a group collection. For this study, literature reviews, analysis and reorganization of records content, development of a classification system, and expert evaluation were carried out. The findings of this study will contribute to greater efficiency in the search of records about the DRPM by developing a classification system to recategorize its records of various sources and enable their easy access and utilization in a digital archive. In addition, the basic structure of producer-oriented classification can be suggested as an example of the organization of a group collection.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.635-651
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• 2009

Democratization and advancement of a society requires the Government's commitment to evidence-based policy. Though statistic is known as one of the best available evidence, there has been only a few case studies to tell real stories about using statistics for policy making. The object of this study is to suggest some real stories about using the Housing Purchase Price Survey for some property policies. By reviewing the origin and development of the survey, we evaluate the design and analysis strategies adopted in the survey. In addition, we describe how the Housing Purchase Price Indices have been used by the Government for some property policies.