• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.76
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• pp.149-172
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• 2023

Purpose of study: The purpose of this study is to explore the direction of the role of Christian liberal arts education in university liberal arts education in the 21st century. Research content and method: It examines how liberal arts education has changed with the times, and examines the modern significance of the role of liberal arts education that is requested today. In the rapidly changing reality of the 21st century, the role of liberal arts education, which was neglected by focusing on major-centered professional education, has become important. The need for creative and integrated thinking skills to create and apply new knowledge on their own has been highlighted. Liberal arts education and Christianity have a common denominator, and they can produce richer fruits through mutual communication. Religious literacy is the ability to identify and analyze the fundamental intersection between religion and social, political, and cultural life through various lenses. It can be said that it is the culture that must be equipped as a democratic citizen living in the 21st century. Understanding religion is the most important humanities and culture. Through the cultivation of religious literacy, it will be possible to develop thinking skills and insights to view the relationship between Christianity and various fields of life as a whole. Conclusions and Suggestions: Through this study, the need for religious literacy was expressed, and the direction of Christian liberal arts education requested in this era was sought. Christian liberal arts education that fosters religious literacy is proposed as a way to handle the role of a holistic leader of public society by aiming for convergent thinking and promoting public responsibility.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.9-39
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• 2017

Online communities have become playgrounds for enjoyment and political public spheres as well as have been vitalized by participation of diverse users, which shows that users of online communities experience participatory democracy and new subjects who project the politic of everyday life eventually. The purpose of the study is to examine that how phenomenon from above have been revealed in the academic discourses and seek the ways for development of the theory and methodology of community media research. To do this, I analyze that features and tendencies of academic discourses which have historically been accumulated through applying method of meta-analysis into topics, methods, and issues in the precedence studies. Data is centered on Journals of the Korean Society for Journalism and communication Studies, Korean Association for Broadcasting and Telecommunication studies, Korean Association for Communication and Information studies, and the Cybercommunication Academic Society. The reason why I choose these journals is that they have a long history of the publication compared to other journals, thus, I can collect various related articles. Total of 53 Samples are selected after input keywords '공동체' and 'Community'. This study makes a contribution by offering the preliminary data in order to seek the ways for revitalization of local communities and for the future theories and methodologies of community media through researching on precedence studies having piled from 2001 when the first article about community media was published to November 2016.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.71-85
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• 2011

This thesis reviews the process in which the regulation systems against ownership concentration of newspapers established with the opportunity of legislation of the periodical act in 1987 was reinforced as they were all amended to the newspaper act in 2005 and as they were again amended in 2009 it came to confront crisis in the aspect of press law legislation history. The regulation systems against ownership concentration of newspapers established based on the principle of legality of newspaper function in the Clause 3, the Article 21 of Constitution was reinforced as the newspaper act in 2005 and in 2006 they began to shrink following the Constitution Court decision against newspaper act. As newspaper act and broadcast act are revised in 2009, regulation against combining the management of newspapers with broadcast and regulation against owning multiple number of newspapers came not to exist. Because in this process, the opposition party also allowed limited cross-ownership of newspaper and broadcast, it can be said that the system of newspaper ownership regulation confronted the crisis of dissolution. The instruction of regulation alleviation in a short period of time in spite of the fact that regulation alleviation which allows cross-ownership of newspaper and broadcast is the matter of policy that should be decided after long-term review of the change of media environment and the progress of the power of domination of public opinion is dangerous. Newspapers are strong media with terrestrial broadcast in formation of public opinion on politics. It's because it is difficult to ignore the worry that the power of domination of public opinion of the newspapers which are in oligopoly of newspaper public opinion market can be spreaded to the territory of report broadcast. From the point of view that there is probability for democracy to be ultimately threatened due to the shrink of political Darwinism caused by concentration of media ownership, the alleviation of ownership concentration of newspapers should have premise of long-term social discussion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.14
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• pp.325-357
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• 2006

In diesem Aufsatz wird die Geschichte der Bewertungsdiskussion in Deutschland vorgestellt. Bis zum 18. Jh. war das Ziel der Archivarbeit die Systematisierung der rechtlichen und politischen Kenntnissen. Der juristisch geschulte Archivar hob Unterlagen in der Regel aus $Gr{\ddot{u}}nden$ der Rechtssicherheit auf. Vernichtet wurde, was schon seit $l{\ddot{a}}ngerem$ im Archiv lag. Nach dem Zusammenfall des alten Regimes haben die Archivare keine mehr mit dem Recht des Herrschers zu tun. Und die Archive wurden zu $Lagerst{\ddot{a}}tten$ der Geschichte und Forschung. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ den Ordnung der Archivgut, die aus den verschiedener Dienststellen stammten, wurde das Provenienzprinzip gebildet. Die Archivare richtete sich auf das inhaltsorientierten Bewertungsverfahren, das die wissenschaftlichen $Bed{\ddot{u}}rfnisse$ befriedigte. Der Anlass der Bildung der modernen Archivtheorie war der ersten Weltkrieg. Das Problem, wie man die Massenakten, die $W{\ddot{a}}hrend$ dieses Krieges entstanden, behandeln sollten, $f{\ddot{u}}hrte$ unter dem $Einflu{\ss}$ der Demokratie zur Bildung der Provenienz-orientierte Bewertungsdiskussion. Aufbau, Zielsetzung und Verfahren der aktenbildenden Stelle bildeten den Ausgang der Bewertung. Im Klima ${\ddot{o}}ffentlicher$ $B{\ddot{u}}rokratieablehnung$ der 50er und 60er Jahren wurde die inhaltsorientierte Auswahl wieder die vorherrschende Methodenvorgabe. Diese Theorie, die Booms vertritt, $f{\ddot{u}}hrt$ zu der Theorie der dokumentation strategy von Ende 20. Jh.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.197-202
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• 2021

This paper focuses on the situation in which, as pluralistic democracy spreads globally from the mid-20th century, the concept of publicness, the reason for the existence of traditional public art, is not limited to the physicality of occupying public space or the conditions for creation by public funds, but is seeking a new direction and examine the social significance of these changes. For this purpose, the main body of this paper analyzes the major public art projects of Freee Art Collective who were active in the UK in the early 2000s. Freee performed various public art projects in which individuals constituting a community critically reflect on political, social, and economic issues related to public goods and provide a discourse space for democratic discussion. Their practice suggested a methodology for socially-engaged public art that resists the "Third Way" cultural policy of the New Labour administration. Therefore, this paper argues that Freee's public art seeks alternatives to publicness in that it allows one to resistively think about problematic aspects of hegemonic cultural production of neoliberal cultural policy that pursues political consensus and social harmony. This research about Freee's public art would be significant in that it can serve as an opportunity for critical reflection on the contemplative form and public role of contemporary public art.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.211-235
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• 2021

As a result of the Falkland Islands War from April 2 to June 14, 1982, Britain overcame severe economic depression and reclaimed the glory of the former British Empire by winning the war. On the other hand, Argentina was greatly affected by the collapse of a military dictatorship and the birth of a democratic government. This study suggests strategies for responding to maritime disputes that may occur in Dokdo Island in the future by applying "DIME on PMESII" to the Falkland Islands dispute. In particular, the study analyzes how DIME (diplomacy, information, military, and economy) capabilities have an effect as a means of the total national power of a country that effectively controls the disputed territory. Based on the results of this study, the response strategies related to the Dokdo maritime dispute are as follows. First, effective control over the disputed territory should be effectively maintained and strengthened like in Britain. This strategy inspires patriotism, supports the government during warfare, secures a just cause for war, and gains international support. Second, 'DIME on PMESII' was effective in modern warfare by focusing our DIME capabilities on the weaknesses of the other country's PMESII system. That is, wars are not won simply by the conflict of armed forces but by a nation's overall national strength, such as diplomatic, information, and economic capabilities. Third, appropriate strategies for neighboring countries are needed to overcome the possibility of limited warfare in the sea through preparations for Dokdo maritime disputes in the future.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.95-103
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• 2022

This study aims to understand a gamer participatory mechanism by comparing Gamer Participation 1.0(Bartz Liberation War) and Gamer Participation 2.0(Truck Demonstration). The process of gamers' political participation is analyzed by applying the communication-mediated O-S-O-R model with the case of gamers' truck protests caused by probability items' issue. This study found out that changes in the social, technological, and discursive layers that constitute the gamer's communication ecology led to diversification of communication channels and changes in the perception of games. Gamers utilized the technological layer of the media environment that presupposes immediate mutual communication, expressed opinions on issues in the mobilization process, and shared the necessity of participation to derive collective mobilization. Through communication, gamers were able to participate in socio-political issues with high participation thresholds. This study is significant in that it discussed the gamers' democratic citizenship and role as issue publics. The study suggests that the need for theoretical and methodological expansion to analyze various participatory cases.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.