• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.46 no.3
• /
• pp.103-116
• /
• 2018

The Park Act (1967~1980) was the first law to define urban parks in Korea. The urban parks of that time were similar to a reservation area used for other purposes after giving regulation. Because 'the urban park as a reservation area' in the past is a repeated park issue in the present, it is necessary to consider the issues of the original law system that created the cause. From this perspective, this study analyzed the legislation to reserve an urban park by collecting bills and information about the factual relationship between 1960 70s park issues and the Park Act. Analysis showed that the reason for the adoption of different kinds of urban parks in the law of a nature park is that a negative list separated from the Urban Planning Act is required to curb private usage. Inherent in the Park Act, however, was the problem of allowing the encroachment of urban parks by governmental power. (1) The Park Act sets out a wide range of cases to abolish urban park. (2) Unclear setting of governmental power could abuse the urban park. (3) Insufficient standards were able to erode the urban park with large for-profit facilities. (4) The inactivity of the Urban Public Park Committee had reduced democratic decision-making and professional judgement on park issues. Therefore, the Park Act was characterized as infringing on the environment and right to urban parks and took a passive attitude in creating parks and in citizen usage thereof. The Park Act had limitations as a progenitor for establishing the characteristics and concepts of urban parks.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.46
• /
• pp.590-626
• /
• 2009

The limitation and scarcity of broadcasting waves provide important rationale behind the idea of public ownership of broadcasting waves which can facilitate communications among people with diverse backgrounds and values in the society. Independence of broadcasting industry from the regulatory organization is imperative for the broadcasting industry to serve the public interest that has been historically defined by each county. For the Korean broadcasting industry, history of modern Korea taught us that the broadcasting regulatory organizations such as Korea Communications Commission(KCC) should be kept from any political influence for the industry to best serve the public. Recent controversies on the role of the CEO of KBS and the appointment of the CEO of YTN by the president of the country provide evidence that the independence of broadcasting in Korean society is a critical topic. This study examined the corporate structures of broadcasting industry and the political independence of the industry in relation to the changes in the concept of public interest and the role of broadcasting. It is critically important to investigate the political independence of broadcasting in Korea because the core argument of independence of broadcasting which is about the freedom of expression protected by the constitution is still contested in the country. For the purpose of collecting diverse perspectives on broadcasting, survey method was adopted in this study. Three groups Abstracts 697 of participants were recruited: reporters, experts in the field, and regular citizens. The result indicated that the independence of broadcasting was in the process of deterioration. Also, the participants of the study understood that it was impossible for the broadcasting to serve the public interest when the broadcasting was not free from the influence of regulatory institutions such as KCC.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.71
• /
• pp.116-154
• /
• 2015

Officially given a historical signifier as Gwangju Democratic Movement since 1987, far-right and conservative group have restated that $5{\cdot}18$ is a rebellion and a riot that was committed by rebellious elements who obeyed North Korea's command or who were connected with North Korea. As those who had been responsible for the rebellion, revolt and riot were rewarded, far-right and conservatives' collective narrative that a country was born where the pro-North Korea left became dominated aroused extreme hostility towards $5{\cdot}18$. Far-right and conservatives involved in many different fields such as political party, university, press and media and civil group carry out incendiary discourse politics with intention to reestablish history and memory of $5{\cdot}18$ in their own story. Many people at online sites such as Ilbe Storehouse who are considered 'young right wing' is a main route to spread the far-right groups' remarks on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is a main channel to reconstitute and reproduce the far-right conservatives' remarks and information on $5{\cdot}18$. Ilbe is one of main area where remarks of disparagement and ridicule, hostility and hatred on $5{\cdot}18$ unfurl. This study collects $5{\cdot}18$-related remarks and stories unfolded at Ilbe and examines how these remarks and stories make significance as to $5{\cdot}18$ and how information resources which remarks are dependent upon are connected each other. In this process, this study intends to find implications of incendiary politics that echoed of remarks on $5{\cdot}18$ have which at the online site Ilbe and by the far-right conservatives.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.71
• /
• pp.33-51
• /
• 2015

In South Korea, the community building projects and so-called 'community businesses' are recently regarded as one of the popular issues for the local people and social activists. The project seems to be a miracle resolution for various social matters such as the deteriorating welfare, health care, security system and the worsening income problem, etc. But these promising social discourses and practices which encourage to build communities are not only constructing 'good governance' for the sound cooperation between the state and civil society, but also allowing government technologies to manage and regulate civil society and citizens. This irony of building community is not yet thoroughly considered. The aim of this article is to ask 'Is building community good for all of people?'; 'How does community guarantee the freedom of people who participate in?'. The reflection for community in South Korean Society has related to The May 18-community in Gwangju. The May 18-community is a keystone for understanding the ethos and pathos of community. This study tries to unravel the relation between the May Uprising and the idea of community throughout affects and hearts of participants. The lived experience and testimony of the people of Gwangju in May, 1980, reveals that community should not be in an order and an notion of security. Examining hearts of members of 'whatever community' in the May Uprising is essential to imagine a new form of community which incorporates liberation and freedom as its base.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.131
• /
• pp.331-352
• /
• 2014

The aim of this study is to newly interpretate to T. Hobbes' view of man and commonwealth in his On Man and On Citizen. An established reputation of the Hobbes' view is as follows. The nature of every man is egoistic. Therefor in the state of nature every man struggles against every man to acquire the good for himself. To suppress this egoistic nature of every man commonwealth established through the covenant of every man. And every man is absolutely subject to the common power of commonwealth. By doing so, every man preserves the life of himself. In that opinion, it seems that commonwealth have absolutely superiority over a man, and suppresses the liberty and autonomy of every man. This study different from that opinion speaks as follows. The nature of every man is not egoistic, but the nature of some men is egoistic. Therefor commonwealth dose not suppress the liberty and autonomy of every man, but suppress the aggression of some egoistic men through the common power. By that work, commonwealth gives every man the hope of his safety and peace. If that hope is not preserved, the duty or need that every man is subject to commonwealth will be discharged. In that state, rather the common power of commonwealth is the power of enemy, by the law of nature man struggle against commonwealth as an enemy. Therefor we can know the meaning of 'mortal god' that commonwealth is called by Hobbes.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.68
• /
• pp.205-241
• /
• 2021

This article explores how to incorporate the topic of the global environmental crisis called the "anthropocene" into archives studies and connect it to ecological practical reasons. In order to encourage discussion of archival studies, which puts the environmental crisis at a kind of archive constant value, this study seeks to examine the possibility of a quality shift in archival studies based on ecology. This article aims to go beyond the pragmatism of preparing improvements to eco-friendly record management, which is recently claimed by the "Green Archive" in Western archival studies. It calls for a new concept called 'ecological archive', which theoretically combines a more archives-based and ecological paradigm, and its epistemological transformation. Specifically, the ecological approach of archives is first discovered in the discussion of archival studies and at the same time, through the "ecological turn" of archives emphasized by recent anthropocene discourses, the concept of "ecological archive" emphasized by this article is embodied. This study uses 'ecological archive' as a universal and theoretical framework for archives as a basic concept for building ecological 'living' archives. In other words, for the construction of ecological archives, we reinterpret and extend so-called democratic values for archives, i.e., post-custodianship, community archives, and archives of emotions. Finally, the records of foot-and-mouth disease killing burial sites, an important site and example of the anthropocene tragedy, exemplifies the methodology of the actual application of ecological living archives. The case analysis aims to seek a new qualitative shift in record management that adapts to global ecological transformation, while also emphasizing the documentation by archival activism in ecological field practices jointly organized by archivists and citizens.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.305-330
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Ocean policy research
• /
• v.33 no.2
• /
• pp.183-204
• /
• 2018

Whaling has been banned in Republic of Korea after the declaration of the moratorium on the commercial whaling by the International Whaling Commission (IWC) since 1986. Korean government followed the moratorium immediately. However whale meat market has been kept by the bycaught whales and dolphins. So Korean government established a rule to control and trace whale meat in the market in 2011. The rule has some loopholes to allow illegally taken whale meat smuggle into the market. This study investigates the flaws in the current rule and recommend the way to overcome that defects. The first step is to prevent the entry of the illegal whale meat into the market. Minor change of the current law would be a solution. The next measure is to increase the sampling rate of the whale DNA that allowed to distribute in the market. The DNA database would be a powerful tools to identify illegal whale meat which is existing in the market. Korean government is operating three kind of food traceability systems. However, because of the legal limitations and the opposition of the non-governmental animal rights organizations, it is difficult to include whale meat to the existing systems. So the last step is to establish a new Traceability System with a state-of-the-art IT technology like as blockchain. The three measures mentioned above would increase the transparency in the whale meat market and prevent the entry of the illegal products.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.19 no.6
• /
• pp.80-91
• /
• 2019

Korean society is now in the 2017 system. The zeitgeist is now hoping to move into a society where the right to pursue happiness centered on democracy, human rights, and peace is recognized, and to the era of the fourth industrial revolution. The paradigm shifts in the education arena began before the start of this socio-political system. The educational autonomy centered on the progressive education superintendent is accelerating the influx of alternative education, which is part of the civic education movement, through public school reforms. It can be seen that not only the progressive camp but also the conservative government emphasized educational policies such as the liberal semester system, which was gradually adopted by the government. For education that is appropriate for a rapidly changing society, it is necessary to discuss about educational grand-discourse that can alternate current public education. Although it does not mean only one discourse, it is a necessary process to systematically consider alternate education of public education and to suggest the direction for future education. In this regard, this study aims to introduce the discourse that can produce critical consciousness and creativity that emphasize the praxis and practice through critical pedagogy and bricolage.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.22 no.9
• /
• pp.95-103
• /
• 2022

This study aims to understand a gamer participatory mechanism by comparing Gamer Participation 1.0(Bartz Liberation War) and Gamer Participation 2.0(Truck Demonstration). The process of gamers' political participation is analyzed by applying the communication-mediated O-S-O-R model with the case of gamers' truck protests caused by probability items' issue. This study found out that changes in the social, technological, and discursive layers that constitute the gamer's communication ecology led to diversification of communication channels and changes in the perception of games. Gamers utilized the technological layer of the media environment that presupposes immediate mutual communication, expressed opinions on issues in the mobilization process, and shared the necessity of participation to derive collective mobilization. Through communication, gamers were able to participate in socio-political issues with high participation thresholds. This study is significant in that it discussed the gamers' democratic citizenship and role as issue publics. The study suggests that the need for theoretical and methodological expansion to analyze various participatory cases.