• Journal of Convergence for Information Technology
• /
• v.9 no.6
• /
• pp.140-145
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is to suggest the implications for the domestic media education policy which is still in a state of pace by document research of the case in France which has a long history of media education. France has consistently maintained the tradition of the philosophical value of media education, such as 'the cultivation of consciousness and qualities as a democratic citizen' through legal, policy and educational improvement. At the same time, in the digital era, conceptual expansion was carried out that embraced the concept of 'information' rather than resting on classical media education. This was complemented by education legislation, enforcing information education programs in school, and the manage of CLEMI, the media and information education training organization. It will be necessary to construct software system for media education of Korea through the manage of governmental organization and the cooperation system with related institutes under the constant philosophic direction.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.21 no.3
• /
• pp.761-770
• /
• 2021

The purpose of this study is to examine improvements of after-school care policy for elementary school-age children based on children's rights in the community. After-school care is important to support children right of survive and protect, as well as the right to development and participation. To support integrated child rights through the policy, local government's duty is growing in the Covid-19 world. Therefore, the main policy of out-of-school care is analyzed from the perspective of children's rights. Current after-care policy focuses on the right of protection privileges. Providing a safe facility is important, but there is a lack of policy design to expand children's options to learn by various activity which can be utilized with community resources as care contents. The role of government to this is requested to supplement accountability, fairness, democracy and public interest more than over quantitative expansion of services. This study presented an alternative based on the universal elementary care providing happy after-school hours.

• Journal of The Korean Association of Information Education
• /
• v.25 no.3
• /
• pp.501-510
• /
• 2021

This paper was described to assess the possibility of field application of the developed textbooks by developing a textbook using action learning to conduct ICT electromagnetic waves training education for elementary and middle school teachers and applying it on a pilot basis. To this end, it was organized to be used in conjunction with classes in several subjects and provided various teaching materials to facilitate teachers' convenience to use the textbook. Also, the textbook was composed of a content structure of 10 sessions. As for the proposed textbook, the overall understanding of ICT electromagnetic waves was improved through pilot application in teacher training, and problem-solving ability, cooperative learning ability, democratic citizenship, and knowledge information processing ability were improved through action learning. It can be said that it contributed to improving the understanding of ICT electromagnetic waves and teachers' competencies.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.113-153
• /
• 2012

Since the government of Republic of Korea was established in 1948, a period that made the biggest difference on National Records Management System was from 1999 when was enacted. Especially, it was the period of President Roh's five-year tenure called Participation Government (2003-2008). This paper illustrates distinct phenomena of Records Management System Policy during Participation Government. Three major agents of the system are President Roh, the Presidential Secretariat, and Archives Management Bureau at the National Archives of Korea. They sometimes competed with themselves for initiatives of policy, but they used to cooperate with each other and have brought about innovations on records management. The first distinctive characteristic of Participation Government (below PG)'s records management is that it implemented governance actively. That is, it tried to listen carefully to all opinions of interest organizations related to records management and enacted laws based on those. The PG not only listened to civic groups, but also created two professional groups called Records Management Innovation Expert Committee and Innovation Decentralization Assessment Committee. Those two groups enacted . Another remarkable feature is a nomination of records management specialists at public institutions. In 2005, PG created Archival Research Positions among research public officials and appointed experts in the field of Archival Research History at central department. With the process, the government tried to provide public records management system and to improve specialty of records management. Since then, records management specialists were employed not only at local governments but also at private archival institutions. It has allowed of entering a new phase in employing records management professionals. The Participation Government also legislated (completely revised) . It led to a beginning of developing records management in Republic of Korea. was revised thoroughly for the e-Government period and was established as a foundation for managing presidential records. An establishing process of a country's records management system describes the degree of democratic development of society. Following governments should supplement PG's shortcomings and carry out 'New Governance Records Management System'. Principal subjects of records management system should include not only a government but also civic groups, local governments, small businesses, and academic professionals. The object of records management also needs to be democratic by recording not only the plans and enforcements of a task but also influences and results of a task. The way of archiving ought to be discussed by all related principals.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.2
• /
• pp.5-58
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.29
• /
• pp.3-33
• /
• 2011

No one can deny the harsh reality that archival culture has not yet been permeated extensively into all the spheres of our society. Only fragmented records in fixed areas are in the custody of archives. Records to build a living memory for the history of our present are hard to find or remain minimal, if anywhere. Above all, there are few records in archives concerned with the everyday life of common people. No consideration has not been made about the reason for being of archives, not to mention of the strategy for establishing the archival culture. Accordingly, a paradigm shift is required for archives directly connected with the everyday life of common people. Archives of everyday life means one which interprets the behaviour and experiences of individuals(groups) within the context of society through categorizing everyday life of common people into the lesser fields. And archives of everyday life also means an organization or facility/place which documents the everyday life of individuals(groups), and collect, appraise, select and preserve the records from the view point of humanities for the reconstruction of history from the bottom. Archives of everyday life is an attempt to reconstruct memory and records on behaviour by and torment of the common people in the modern history of Korea, on the basis of which we can seek out the oppressive structure in the daily life of capitalism. Archival community should discuss about what is the meaning of records in the age of democracy unlike that of authoritarian era. We also need to have definite direction on the what kinds of records are to be created and appraised from the standpoint of common people. We are to make it possible to create Zeitgeist in the tackle of records and archives' content. on this kind of attempt archival community could make a practical contribution forward a more advanced democracy, resulted in having an opportunity to change the essence of archives.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.145
• /
• pp.351-380
• /
• 2018

In every society, citizens must decide how to punish criminals, uphold the virtue of justice, and preserve the security of the community. In doing so, the members of society must ask themselves how they will punish those who carry out the most abhorrent of crimes. Many common responses to such a question is that death is an acceptable punishment for the most severe crimes. But to draw some theoretical distinction between a crime that deserves incarceration and a crime that is so heinous that it deserves capital punishment is subject to three errors. First, what possible line could be drawn? To decide on a particular number of deaths or to employ any standard would be arbitrary. Second, the use of a line would trivialize and undermine the deaths of those whose murderers fell below the standard. Third, any and all executions still are unjust, as the State should not degrade the institution of justice and dehumanize an individual who, although he or she has no respect for other human life, is still a living person. Simply put, all murders are heinous, all are completely unacceptable, and deserve the greatest punishment of the land; however, death as punishment is inappropriate. Also, while this article arrives at the conclusion that the death penalty is an inappropriate form of punishment, I have not offered an acceptable alternative that would appease those who believe capital offenders deserve a punishment that differs in its quality and severity. This is a burden that, admittedly, I am unable to meet. I finally conclude that the death penalty is unjustified retribution. This is the only claim that can effectively shift the intellectual paradigms of the participants in the debate. The continued use of the death penalty in society can only be determined and influenced by the collective conscience of the members of that society. As stated at the outset of this article, it is this essentially moral conflict regarding what is just and degrading that forms the backdrop for the past changes in and the present operation of our system of imposing death as a punishment for crime.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.1-23
• /
• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.33-84
• /
• 2017

This study deals with President Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression during the Yushin Regime in the 1970's and consists of case studies related to anti-democracy of the National Council for Unification Subject, illegality of President's emergency rule and oppression in the process of putting down Buma Uprising. The National Council for Unification Subject was an organization for presidential selection and institutionalized by the enactment of Yushin constitution. Emergency rule was carried into effect as a means to repressing college students and forces out of office for the president's long-term seizure of power. And Buma Uprising rose against violence in resistance to the Yushin regime and president Park Chung-hee's greed for dominance and oppression. These case analyses applied the aspects of causal relationship(birth and fall of Yushin Regime), legal system(Yushin constitution and president's emergency rule) and behavior(President Park's greed for dominance and oppression) for this study. The National Council for Unification Subject institutionalized through Yushin constitution and the Yushin regime formed by emergency rule enabled President Park to cling to long-term seizure of power by means of greed for dominance and oppression. After all, his failure to keep the spirit of the time and stepping stone for democratic constitutional government triggered Buma Uprising, a kind of anti-Establishment movement, and caused the fall of the Yushin regime.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.52
• /
• pp.5-26
• /
• 2010

This study explores how major Korean television evening news report, interpret and evaluate the Korean Grand Canal Project(KGCP). For this research, 488 news clips regarding the KGCP are selected among the MBC, KBS and SBS daily evening news. As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the ratios of analyzing reports for MBC, brief reports for KBS, and straight news for SBS are outstanding. At the same time, the three news companies show that they are against the KGCP through the reporting attitudes. However, the most frequently broadcasted news frames is the authoritative political execution for both MBC and KBS, and the political agenda for SBS news respectively. In terms of the most frequently interviewed group for all three news is the government and ruling Grand National Party; they are the most favor of the authoritative political executions and the political agenda news frames. However, the NGO groups and the opposition parties which are against the KGCP support "Process" in terms of the frames activity. Finally, MBC speaks out the frame activity of "Process", supporting the political opposition parties and NGO groups. On the country, both KBS and SBS speak up the government and ruling party, supporting the KGCP, stressing frame activity of "Aspiration". This it concludes that both KBS and SBS are short of the social responsibilities as a social media mediator for the social disputes between the government and the NGO groups, including opposition parties.