• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.93-135
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• 2017

Due to their geographic proximity to Beijing, the Southeast Asian states under the fallout of the China's growing power are struggling to seek the art of diplomacy to promote their national interests. This study explores why Cambodia previously taking a pro-US strategy after the end of the Cold War has switched to a pro-China one in the context of the rise of G-2 system, the ASEAN regionalism, the country's national interest and Hun Sen's regime legitimation. Theoretically, this study takes a realist constructivist approach and tries to find how realist interests and norms have affected the Hun Sen's regime legitimation. The relationship between China and Cambodia has been deepened by mutual economic interdependence and increasingly stronger Chinese power. Especially, the Chinese massive economic aids and investment have enormously supported the regime legitimation of Hun Sen. On the other hand, The US value diplomacy promoting democracy and human rights has undermined the Hun Sen's legitimacy and strained the two nations' relationship. However, the Hun Sen's pro-China strategy is not to check and balance against US strategic interests and not to recognize the Chinese hegemonic position in Southeast Asia. It is a hedging against the US value diplomacy while maximizing economic and other gains from China. ASEAN has been playing a coordinating role to limit the scope of power politics among big powers and to mitigate its ramifications. Yet, since the US and Chinese interests are so keenly criss-crossing, Cambodia may continue to react to the G-2 system through bilateral relations with them.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.181-212
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• 2018

In 2017, the government of Duterte, in the second year of the ruling, more strongly promoted peace and order policies and expressed independent diplomacy as the chairman of ASEAN. He continued to fight against drugs and tried to increase his political legitimacy through the punishment for corrupt officials. He also declared martial law in the Mindanao region because of the dissolution of the Maute group, a Muslim terrorist organization, and strengthened counterterrorism cooperation externally. In addition, as to Communist militants, he took the initial reconciliation gesture and promoted peace negotiations, however, concluded the peace tide and started the suppression operation due to a series of bloodshed. He still has a strong drive in peace and order issues, backed up by high support rate, but it is becoming a factor of anxiety as the socioeconomically underprivileged and minority groups are increasingly alienated. As the chairman of ASEAN, Duterte has a certain distance from the United States, which is a firm ally, but has turned to increase familiarity with China and Russia, which can take substantial economic benefits. Through diversifying the external economic support and increase of tax revenue, the priority task was to establish the infrastructure. Although the Philippines, which has a high economic growth rate, has a strong expectation that it can establish a solid infrastructure, tax reforms should be successfully completed in order not to repeat the previous failures, which has traditionally increased foreign debt burden by relying on external resources. It seems that it is necessary to find the meeting point of the foreign policy of Duterte and new Korean government's New Southern Policy, and to find possible economic cooperation policies to improve Philippine infrastructure.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.63-67
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• 2017

With the rise of China, the power and hegemony is moving to China in East Asia. The foreign policy of the China government is directly or indirectly affecting Korea, neighboring countries and the world. China is advocating a new international policy, a new security system, silk road policy and a new paradigm. China is a newly emerging powerful nation in Asia, and it is clear that China has the economic power to reestablish the Asian order and take over the hegemony. In addition, we want to run the world supremacy with the United States in political, economic, military and diplomatic sectors. In order to overcome the crisis of the Korean peninsula, which is being triggered by North Korea's nuclear and missile development, we are in the position to do our best to cooperate with Korea, the United States and Japan and further improve relations with China. In this study, I analyzed the policy of Southeast Asia and China macroscopically.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.25-47
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• 2011

The paper will investigate the chances of progress in the peace process in Middle East. Robert Hazo's 1993 article mainly argued the Palestinians and Syrian problems. He saw that these two problems are one of the key issue that current Middle East problem which involves Israel. The key tenants of his argument will be dissected to assess whether this view holds true in the light of developments in the Middle East in the intervening years. The Arab-Israeli struggle remains one of the most intractable in history. In 1993 Robert Hazo concluded that 'the conflict is a terminal struggle'. This paper investigates his analysis in light of progress or lack of in the intervening period and against the contemporary strategic environment. It uses information presented in academic, government, newspaper and world wide web articles to conclude that Hazo's assessment remains valid. While the various talks since 1993 combined with the potential benefits the United States, Israel and Syria could gain from a settlement proffer hope, the issue of 'right of return, borders and Jerusalem are unlikely to be bridged in the near future.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.31-76
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• 2018

This article explores why the two Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam and the Philippines, choose different strategies to cope with the Chinese threat. Despite the evident Chinese threat in the South China Sea, Vietnam has not meaningfully expanded the military cooperation with the United States, whereas the Philippines, ironically, has distanced itself with its ally, the United States. Existing studies on the topic does not offer a satisfactory explanation. We assign that two cases are examples of "underbalancing" - the failure of balancing even though there is an evident threat. Furthermore, we demonstrate the difference between cases of the Philippines and Vietnam by arguing that the number of veto players affects the outcome of foreign policy, underbalancing of two countries. The Philippines has only one veto player, the president, hence its response to external threats is incoherent. On the other hand, the number of veto players in Vietnam is more than one and those players demand negotiation among them on the matter of foreign policy. Upon analyses on two cases we argue that the former is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy stability, while the latter is the case of underbalancing caused by a lack of policy responsiveness.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2012.05a
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• pp.122-122
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• 2012

본 연구의 목적은 한국형 녹색성장 협력 모델을 기반으로 한국의 대(對) 메콩지역 진출 방안을 모색하는 것이다. 메콩 유역은 중국의 운남성 지방, 미얀마, 라오스, 태국, 캄보디아, 베트남 등 6개국이 위치하고 있는데 이 지역은 세계 경제 침체에도 불구하고 높은 경제 성장률을 달성하고 있다. 이에 따라 세계 각국이 개발사업 선점을 위한 치열한 경쟁을 벌이고 있으며 일본, 미국, 중국이 발 빠르게 영향력을 확장하고 있다. 한국은 지난해 메콩 5개국의 외교장관을 서울로 초청하여 회담을 개최하여 메콩 지역 진출의 교두보를 마련하였으나 최근 세계 각국이 메콩 지역의 개발사업 진출을 위해 적극적으로 노력하고 있는 상황에서 선진국과 차별적인 경쟁우위를 살릴 수 있는 방안의 모색이 필요하다. 따라서 본 연구는 2008년 이명박 정부가 제시한 신성장 패러다임인 녹색성장 모델과, 물관리 정책과 사업을 접목시킨 물과 녹색성장 공적개발원조 및 무나싱해(Munasinghe)의 지속가능한 경제(Sustainomics)가설을 이론적으로 고찰하여 대(對) 메콩유역 협력 방안 모델을 설계하였다. 이 지역이 급속한 경제 성장으로 전력수요가 증가하고 있고, 환경오염에 대한 우려를 잠식시키고 국가의 에너지 안보를 위해 높은 수입 석유 의존율을 낮춰야한다는 점 등을 고려해보았을 때 메콩 유역의 수력발전이 이 지역의 녹색성장을 위한 큰 동력이 될 수 있을 것으로 사료된다. 뿐만 아니라 홍수방재 효과, 전력 수출로 인한 소득 창출은 이 지역의 사회발전으로 이어질 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 그러므로 본 연구는 자금조달 방식, 외교적 접근, 기술적 접근, 제도적 접근 방식을 제시하여 단계적으로 대(對) 메콩유역 한국형 물과 녹생성장 ODA의 나아가야 할 방향을 모색해 보았다. 제시된 협력 모델을 기반으로 점차 한국이 메콩 유역의 수력발전산업으로 진출하고 더 나아가 이지역의 영향력을 확대하는 데 큰 도움이 될 것으로 사료된다.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.141-185
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• 2021

The growing U.S.-China rivalry has placed the countries of Southeast Asia in exceedingly precarious positions. The Republic of Korea (ROK) likewise has been tasked with the challenge of "navigating the waters" between deepening geopolitical divides. It is in this context that the "New Southern Policy" (hereafter NSP) has become a key word in Korea's foreign policy circles. Through NSP, ROK aims to diversify its economic and security interests by strengthening ties with its southern partners, focusing on three key areas (termed as the "3 Ps"): People, Prosperity, and Peace. At the same time, the NSP seeks cooperation with other key diplomatic agendas such as the U.S.'s "Free and Open Indo-Pacific," rendering it crucial for the overall stability of the region. Considering such strategic significance, deeper analysis of the policy is more timely than ever. A brief assessment of the policy's outcome so far, however, reveals that relatively, the "Peace" pillar has been insufficient in achieving satisfactory outcomes. Here, this paper asks the question of: 1) How can the "Peace" pillar of South Korea's New Southern Policy be strengthened? Based on an analysis on the causes of the "Peace" pillar's weakness, this paper identifies counter-piracy cooperation as a solution. This paper then proceeds to answer the next question of: 2) How can ROK and ASEAN cooperate on counter-piracy, and how can these efforts be integrated into ROK's NSP? To answer the above question, this paper conducts in-depth case studies on ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy and identifies specific mechanisms of cooperation. In Chapter I, the paper begins with an overview of the NSP's strategic significance and an evaluation of its "Peace" pillar. Chapter II conducts a literature review on the causes of, and prescriptions for, the weakness of the "Peace" pillar. The paper then justifies why counter-piracy may be a solution. Chapter III examines ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy. By analyzing the general framework and each region's cases, the paper displays the strengths and weaknesses of each region's piracy responses. Based on this analysis, Chapter IV suggests ways to incorporate counter-piracy cooperation into the "Peace" pillar of the NSP. This research bears significance in that it identifies a specific area of cooperation (counter-piracy) to strengthen the "Peace" pillar of ROK's NSP. Such identification is based on a comprehensive study into the two parties' past and current experience in counter-piracy, making it contextual in nature. Furthermore, the study suggests practical mechanisms of cooperation, and considers ways of incorporation into the existing framework of NSP. This approach differs from existing literature that failed to generate case-specific, policy-oriented solutions. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated piracy issues and deepened geopolitical divides. Turbulent seas such as these call for careful navigation. When it comes to promoting "peace," the key lies in combating the pirates that sail those very waters.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.338-344
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• 2021

Elements that threaten domestic security, such as diplomatic changes in the four major powers surrounding the Korean Peninsula and restrictions on supply and demand of parts due to COVID-19, are constantly increasing. The importance of localizing weapon systems has grown to respond proactively to the threat. As localization is not conducted evenly by the field, it is necessary to change the criteria for selecting localization targets. Establishing standards for selecting targets is difficult due to a lack of research to identify targets. This paper emphasized that the smooth supply of parts from overseas should be examined to identify targets for localization. If suppliers are not distributed evenly in the market, there is a risk of potential supply problems. CRk and HHI, representing the market structure, were proposed as indicators for evaluating the degree of smoothness quantitatively. Among them, CRk is used in Korea to check the market concentration, but there is a limit in the subjectivity of the evaluator, so it cannot be applied without a separate study on the market structure. Therefore, HHI should be applied.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.24
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• pp.1-31
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• 2010

This article aims to identify organizational factors that influence the performance of implementation of the U.S. Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and to investigate the strength and direction of their effects. Explanatory variables include administrative resources, organizational culture, litigation cost, and the complexity of FOIA requests. The study will analyze quantitative secondary data from official statistics of federal agencies and the 2006 Federal Human Capital Survey as well as qualitative data from semi-structured interviews of FOIA officers. The results of statistical analyses are as follows : FOIA funding significantly affects median processing time and number of requests pending. There is a significant relationship between bureaucratic culture and number of requests pending, but not between bureaucratic culture and number of requests pending. There exists a significant relationship between the cost of FOIA litigation to federal agencies and the performance of FOIA implementation. There exists a significant relationship between the complexity of FOIA requests and the performance of FOIA implementation. This study also has important implication in South Korea, which has been under a sharp confrontation with North Korea for more than 50 years. As illustrated by the conflict between people's right to know and national security during the investigation of recent Sinking of the ROKS Cheonan, efforts should be made to prepare legal and institutional mechanism for freedom of information policy which can maintain a balance between conflicting values as well as efficient information disclosure in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.205-248
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• 2008

There emerges a growing concern about South Korea's intellectual dependence on U.S. financial news media. However, those media's inherent relationship with national economic and financial interests has been poorly addressed. This paper thus attempts to identify such a strategic partnership between media and the government by analysing news coverages over four critical arena interwoven with U.S. dollar based financial system. For this purpose, total 152 news articles about Asia crisis, Asian Monetary Fund, Malaysia currency crisis and the new international financial architecture have been examined in terms of frame, attitude, cue-givers and discursive strategies. Research results indicate that not only have the media actively deferred to government leadership bur they have also acted as public diplomats in way of not hampering journalistic credibility. Hence, it is claimed that Korean society needs to formulate a model of media's strategic partnership with government at least in foreign policy arena, as well as to launch discursive strategies against nation-bound global news media.