• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.259-295
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• 2017

The purpose of this article is to understand Ahn Hwak(1886~1946)'s perception of national history through "History of Joseon Literature" and "History of Joseon Civilization". He presented the 'cultural history' of Joseon from a modern point of view, by exploring the mental and emotional aspects of the Korean people ingrained in the literary works from the various historical periods. He also reconstructed the national history from Gojoseon era to Joseon dynasty as a continuous 'political history'. For him, a nation was not merely a cultural community, but also a political community. His thought was that while 'culture' and 'politics' are dualistic, they should also be viewed as the two sides of the same coin. In "History of Joseon Literature", Ahn emphasized the mental 'Awakening(自覺)' of the nation. 'Awakening' is a process of universal progress in which the mind pursues freedom by freeing itself from the material bondage. In "History of Joseon Civilization", he finds history of 'Autonomy(自治)' as the characteristics of Joseon's 'history of politics'. He believes that Joseon was able evolve into 'self-aware and voluntary civilization' because of the tradition of 'Autonomy', a political system of reflecting and gathering of the will of the people. Through his two books, Ahn Hwak underlines the idea that the national history of Joseon was a history of 'Awakening', from a cultural perspective, and a history of 'Autonomy', from a political point of view. To him, 'Awakening' was a concept focused on the universality of the mind, while 'Autonomy' was a concept that emphasized the uniqueness of a nation. In sum, Ahn Hwak, through his works, tried to combine cultural universality and political identity.

• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.25-53
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• 2021

Based on the assumption that understandings and practices have been shifted in accordance with the historical context, this study aims to propose future policies to localize cultural diversity. First, in this study, it is necessary for the concept of cultural diversity, which came from political struggles, to understand and practice cultural diversity in the historical context by analyzing the multilayer aspects of policy practices. Second, through the case study of Jeonlabuk-do, by reviewing the discrimination experienced by social minorities and the perception of professionals related to culture policies in the region, this study represents to understand and practice of cultural diversity in the multi-layed way, even in the local. Lastly, it suggests some specific future policies to be considered when implicating the policies of culture diversity in respond to the limits of current government policies, including: decentralization of policies, enhancing local policies, transition from 'politics of distribution' to 'politics of recognition', an interculturalist approach that promotes contact rather than separation

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.49
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• pp.249-274
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• 2017

The indigenous movement in Ecuador, which has been one of the most successful social movements since the 1980s, has been declining since the 2000s. The rapid disintegration and weakening of the indigenous movement with the emergence of the Correa regime is closely related to the geopolitical realities of Ecuador. This study examines the Pachakutik, an independent political organization, as the reason behind the movement's weakened political power and crisis that was experienced under the Correa regime since the 2000s. Until the early 2000s, the indigenous movement exercised considerable political power through CONAIE. CONAIE formed the Pachakutik, in order to resolve their issues politically through elections. Despite the successes of the 1990s, the electoral strategy since the 2000s led to eventual fragmentation and decline of the indigenous movement. Therefore, the impact of Pachakutik on the growth and decline of the indigenous movement has important implications for the future. The need for expansion through intercultural discourses and strategies rather than electoral strategies cannot be overstated. In other words, new approaches are needed to sustain the indigenous movement.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.33-42
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• 2023

This study was conducted to investigate the relationship between political interest, economic interest, sociocultural interest and intention of maintaining the nursing job against 291 nursing students from a university in C city from August to September 2022. The collected data were analyzed by t-test, ANOVA, and Pearson's correlations. The study showed political interest 3.35(maximum 5 points), economic interest 3.76(maximum 5 points), sociocultural interest 4.15(maximum 5 points), and intention of maintaining the nursing job were 3.40(maximum 5 points). In the correlation between variables, the correlation coefficient between political interest and sociocultural skill(r=.385, p<.01) was high, and economic interest and overall sociocultural interest were the most correlated(r=.534, p<.01). For the correlation with intention of maintaining the nursing job, sociocultural behavioral intention(r=.158, p<.01) and attitude(r=.131, p<.01) were statistically significant. Based on the results, repeated studies including political, economic, and sociocultural interest as variables influencing intention of maintaining the nursing job and future research on systematic and diverse educational programs including sociocultural attitudes and behavioral intention are suggested so the nursing job can be maintained for longer time as a profession.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.97-123
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• 2015

This paper theoretically examines the mediations of media on disaster and the structure of the politics of compassion, from the cultural politics approaches. The media has treated for a long time many different forms of disaster and sentimental reactions that were bound to the human life. In the present paper we shall take a different approach from traditional ones that focus on how the media represents these subjects and how it arouses cognitive, affective, behavioral reactions of the audience. We will instead focus on how these subjects of disaster and compassion constitute new social meanings through the mediation of media. And we will investigate that the experiences of social sufferings mediated by media are related to the ethical potentiality vital to the construction of global public sphere and global civil society that need to be reshaped in the $21^{st}$ century media environment. This paper attempts to understand new cultural-politics meanings of the media as a major factor conducting the audience's new public actions through mediating sufferings of the others.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.3 no.1 s.5
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• pp.1-17
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• 2003

Though science and technology can understood as a part of cultural system, the relationship of science/technology with culture is often viewed as contradictory or mutually exclusive by many scholars. Therefore, in the first section of the present paper, the nature of science and technology as a cultural form is examined. Here, science is viewed as a form of symbolic culture, while technology is regarded as a form of instrumental culture. In the second section, the contradictory relationship and/or tensions between science-technological system (instrumental culture) and cultural system (symbolic culture) within a society is discussed. In the final section of this paper, 'science culture' is conceptualized as a dynamic social process in which contradictory science sub-cultures of political system(state), economic system(cooperations), civil society (including academic community of scientists and other social organizations and movements), and cultural system are supposed to be coordinated. In conclusion, establishment of 'humanized science culture' and 'democratic science-culture movement' is proposed as an alternative way of resolving contradictory relationship between cultural system and science-technological system in the modern world.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.68
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• pp.130-165
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• 2014

By exploring the works of popular culture, our research aims to demonstrate that culture and politics revolve around each other. Culture and politics are not separate but are articulated into cultural politics; the process of articulation reveals various comparable areas, including contradictions and differences. Our research pays specific attention to Japanese modernity in the eight popular manga series by Naoki Urasawa. These works seemingly value peace and brotherhood, placing themselves in opposition to the logics of the conservative right wing. After engaging in a thorough reading and re-reading, however, we found three salient themes in the deep layers of the works: first, no-nationality a-nationality; second, the relationship between Japan and the West, and representation of Asia; and third, nostalgia for Japan of the past, and transnational desire. The manga series contain the ideas of leaving Asia and entering the West and overcoming modernity. Our research findings reveal that the works of popular culture, specifically those by Naoki Urasawa, subtly expose transnational desires of Japan in tandem with the tensions in international politics between Asia and Japan.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.65-92
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• 2009

Political trust is defined as the degree to which people perceive that government is producing outcomes consistent with their expectations. Political trust as a concept has endogenous as well as exogenous characteristics in that it can cause and be caused by other political factors. The purpose of this study is to introduce and evaluate various theoretical perspectives related to the causes and effects of political trust. With respect to its causes, this study focuses on the following five factors: government policies, unethical behaviors of politicians, citizens' penchant for participatory democracy, the public's misperceptions on government, and political culture. On the other hand, this study discusses the impacts of political trust on each stage of political process by paying attention to the following factors: government's governability, election outcomes, political recruitment, and the directions of government policies.

• Trans-
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• v.10
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• pp.31-50
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• 2021

Media audiences are defined in a complex relationship with a comprehensive media environment, and are structured and reconstructed according to changes in the media environment. Today, with the changes in the media environment represented by convergence and transmedia, discussions on audiences are actively developing, and debates between positive and negative views on the cultural and political characteristics continue. This paper aims to systematically examine the complexity and ambivalence of new audiences beyond the binomial confrontational debate, and to understand the conditions and mechanisms under which the progressive possibility can be actualized. First, it looks at the changes in today's media environment and contents, and examines the changing patterns of audiences in connection with them based on related research. In addition, it examines the debate on the cultural and political characteristics of new audiences, and explores ways to construct /reconstruct alternative audiences based on Jacques Ranciere's discussion. In conclusion, the characteristics and contents of the utopian and dystopian moments of the transmedia audience were examined, and the necessary works for realizing the former were identified.