Every coastal area exhibits its own unique landscape owing to the combination of the natural and cultural processes. Coastal barrier islands well show the cultural aspects of American coastal landscapes. Some 47% of barrier island area was occupied by urban and built-up area in New Jersey, while some 5% in Georgia. Tourism-related development is back to in the mid 19C. in N.J. due to the closeness to heavily populated areas such as New York and Philadelphia. Developments without proper understanding the nature of coastal processes caused New Jerseyization, the destruction of the beauty or naturalness. It was mainly due to the lack of growth-control policies and the foresight for the future coast in the processes of legislation. North Carolina's islands experienced an increase of 269% in urbanized acreage between 1956 and 1976. However, N.C. exercised her wisdom to recover the naturalness of the coastal environs: all engineering structures are banned on the beaches. Nine out of 13 barrier islands in Georgia exist in the wilderness condition owing to her unique history. The remaining islands still experienced the least development. After the Civil War most of Georgian islands were owned by rich families and maintained as wilderness. In the 1970s most of the uninhabited islands were sold or donated to research institutes or governmental agencies.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
/
v.12
no.4
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pp.597-612
/
2009
This paper is an anthropological study on the regional revitalization movement by the traditional ceramic industry in Mashiko-cho, Japan. It especially deals with the issues like history of revitalization based on ceramics, idealogical features and roles of core activist group, and adaptive strategies of local society to the ever-changing circumstances. The ceramic industry of Mashiko-cho had developed vigorously in 19C, and had passed many critical points in 20C. In 1960s, the ceramic industry of Mashiko-cho developed stably through introducing of Mingei(民藝) ideology and artists. This is evaluated as a 'bottom-up' regional revitalization movement and a active utilization of traditional cultural resources. In Mashiko-cho, the ideological leadership of cultural artist groups have been central roles in the regional revitalization movement. The representative cases are transformation of production of ordinary ceramics to production of Mingei ceramics from the middle of 1950s, official organization of core activist group and establishment of direct sale system by the producers in the middle of 1960s, and full-scale cooperation of private sector and public sector from the beginning of 1980s. Nonetheless the regional revitalization movement by the traditional ceramic industry in Mashikocho have come out well up to now, it should make new tradition which is well-matched to the ever-changing circumstances as seeing various and complex differentiation on the inside of local society.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.16
no.4
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pp.355-368
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2010
This study is to make a framework of newly interpretating the dynamic change of regional or local landscape rapidly occurred after the establishment of the nation state and capitalistic system. The basic concepts of making an interpretative framework are power, subjectivity, and performativity. The framework of closely interrelating the three concepts developed in the near future will be applied to the interpretation of variety of (de)centralized landscapes in regions or locals. A centralized political power under the nation state has destroyed or marginalized the historically developed landscapes, traditional culture, and subjects' values in regions or locals by the political implementation of the nation state, the establishment of national identity, a centralized economic development, and so on. The landscapes produced by the political power of the nation state can take a role as a cause of conflicts in regions or locals in terms of a historical perspective. Landscapes are being made by various subjects, and the produced landscapes also positively or negatively will influence the emotion, cognition, and behavior of the subjects particularly in a performative perspective. The dynamics interrelation between subjects and landscapes has been disguised or marginalized by reason/rationality, totality/collectivity, the separation between reason and emotion mainly made by modernism, the nation state, a capitalistic system. The interrelation between landscapes and subjects is especially emphasized on people's resistibility and creativity. Lastly, landscape is not a concept given as a priori or (re)presented objectively. It is not also a material or an object independently existed from a subject's emotion and cognition. It should be interpreted through a performative relation with subjects. Performativity will take an active role of combining the materiality of landscape, power, and subjectivity. It is also important to understand the active role of landscapes.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
/
v.1
no.1
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pp.173-191
/
1998
The Purpose of this study is to Present the tourism development Plan of Muan County in relation to the establishment of the Muau international Airport. This study criticizes the stereotypical tourism development plans carried out by numerous loyal self-governments. The highest purpose of tourism is to create an experience that cannot be had In a Person's daily life. Tourism development in Muan must be loyal to this philosophy of tourism. This study raises three key questions: What is the nature of tourism\ulcorner; For whom is tourism developed\ulcorner , Why is tourism being developed\ulcorner The answers to the three key questions are very basic ones. but are not being fulfilled in the tourism development of Korea, as fellows. Firstly, tourism development should be carried out to strengthen the special characteristics of tourism resources. Secondly, tourism development should encourage the participation of local residents within the Process, and it should be helpful to the local industry and the resident's income. lastly, the development should refrain from relying heavily on money-making businesses but seek to enrich the lives of visitors and hosts together. This study presents five distinctive tourism development schemes for Muan. They are as follows: the establishment of a scenic byway leading to the Airport: the development of Hoeshan lotus reservoir as a tourist resort for Buddhists and as a traditional health care center: the utilization of the .Japanese military airport relics as an historical and cultural tourist attraction: the establishment of a salt-water spa complex: and the vitalization of agricultural tourism by utilizing the advantage of the Muan international Airport.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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v.14
no.4
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pp.506-523
/
2011
Since the 1990s, the handmade shoes industrial agglomeration district has formed in the city center, Hyangchon-dong, Jung-gu in Daegu. This paper aims to examine the formation process, to analyze the viability, and to propose policy implications of manufacturing industrial districts in a city center through studying this industrial district. The district's creation began as the result of the dissolution of local production and marketing system of handmade shoes in the 1980s, the excellent accessibility of the location and an inexpensive rent. The district's core viability lies in the external economies derived from local networks through social divisions of labor of production and marketing systems. Because of the lack of organizers of the social division of labor and 'integrated production system done by single business', the effect of external economies created by the social division of labor is limited. To get over this limitation, the district should to be restructured into a 'cultural street of leather crafts' as a part of 'making modern historical and cultural belt' programs within Daegu downtown regeneration policies. To support the restructuring, public assistant measures such as the establishment of a corporate services center should be strengthened.
The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.
This paper suggests how Korean housemaids, called Sikmo, and Korean-Chinese migrant domestic workers have similar class positions and therefore form a dual identity in their interactions with female employers. rough spoken stories of the experiences of 27 females from Seoul, including Korean-Chinese domestic workers, Korean housemaids, and their employers, this research effectively overcomes the dichotomous discourse of natives versus foreigners. Instead it suggests the new interpretation that it is not foreignness but class inferiority of the domestic workers that plays a key role in establishing relationships with employers. Korean housemaids and Korean-Chinese domestic workers, both groups of whom are migrant workers, have developed coping strategies to enhance their labor value by spatially relocating themselves from their home society to a new society. They possess a similar labor status in women's history, being of low income, low education, and rural births. Consequently, these women experience 'translocal anchoring,' meaning their identities are intertwined with that of their home societies, and employers perceive them based on the characteristics of these places. The Korean employers perceive that the domestic workers' morality and intellectuality are inferior based on their class differences. This stigmatizing process leads employers to regard domestic workers as ambivalent people, not only threatening outsiders but also objects of pity, needing love and protection of their employers. The employers educate them culturally, teaching them skills to survive in the urban environment. These skills include cooking and language, in addition to advice on long-term plans to blend into society.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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v.13
no.4
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pp.641-662
/
2010
Through the comparative studies on Korean and Chinese ethnobanks in the U.S., this research finds the difference in the social capital between Korean and Chinese American economy and reinterprets the social capital in overseas Chinese. In many ethnic studies, the ethnobanks in the U.S. are thought as the main drive of the economic prosperity in the ethnic communities. For the success of these ethnobanks, the relationship banking of these ethnobanks are contrasted with the arms-length banking of the mainstream U.S. banks. However there are the differences both in performance and business strategies even among different ethnobanks. Contrary to the Korean ethnic banks having much portion of business loans, Chinese ethnic banks have stressed real-estate loans in their loan portfolio. This research regards the differences of business strategies and performance of these ethnobanks as the result of the different social, cultural contexts in each ethnic community. From these finings, we can improve the understanding of the concept of social capital in overseas Chinese economy.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.11
no.5
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pp.349-367
/
2005
The purpose of this paper is to establish three themes of regional instruction based on new regional geography and to examine explanation of space, understanding of place and judgement of environmental values for the Jinju regional instruction. Under the premise that region is the representation of space, place, and environmental perception, we reviewed location and space, event and place, development and environmental values in Jinju area. The results of the study are as follows: Owing to locational conditions, commercial agriculture, industrial and agroindustrial park, bio industry have been developed in Jinju. There are however some tasks that have to be solved such as rural investment, industrial park relocation and economic reconstruction. The Jinju castle combat, Farmers' resistance in 1862, Human right campaign for butchers in 1923, and educational conflict all occurred in the Jinju community. These events resulted in the integration and separation of the stratified citizens. They were represented as a variety of semiotics and landscape in the place. Citizens who live in Jinju are confronted with judging the environmental values. They ask whether inviting companies to town will ensure environmentally sound and sustainable development. The regional characteristics of knowledge, culture and environment in Jinju have been reproduced through the economic activity, place understanding, place marketing, and citizens' campaign.
In Korea, aside from their official administrative names, aliases of each province or some regions are widely used not only today but also during the Joseon period when the provincial system as local administrative system was firmly implemented. Of aliases, the most representative were Giho, Gwandong, Hoseo, Haeseo, Honam, Yaeongnam, Gwanseo, and Gwanbuk representing the eight provinces (precisely, Gyeonggi and seven provinces) of Chosun Dynasty, as well as Yeongdong and Yeongseo that represent the east and the west of Gangwon-do. These aliases are mostly based on topographical features and physiographical elements, and compared to the official names of eight provinces which depended solely on city names. Of aliases, some appeared in literature during 13-l4th centuries, and all provincial aliases seem to have been widely used after the late 15th century. Aliases continued to be used for 500 to over 700 years. Aliases of eight provinces, geographically, played not lesser role than their official names. Aliases of the eight provinces and regions during the Chosun Dynasty that have been handed down are considered as holding their places' cultural and historical backgrounds, and have become important enough to be accepted as a unit of geographical regional division. The origin and meaning of aliases of each province have been partially disclosed to the geographical circle and the general public. However, the details should be reviewed. First of all, Gwan in Gwanbuk, Gwanseo and Gwandong, as well as Yeong in Yeongnam, Yeongdong and Yeongseo, are each considered as meaning Sobaek Mountain Range and Taebaek Mountain Range with many borderline areas (borders) and military strategic hubs. Also, Ho in Honam, Hoseo, and Giho, are considered as based on the Geum River and Eurimji, and Haeseo are considered as meaning the west of the Gyeonggi Bay, and having relevancy with the first letters of Haeju and Seoha (Pungcheon).
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