• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.28-34
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• 1992

Background: Diffuse panbronchiolitis (DPB) is a chronic obstructive pulmonary disease distinguished from bronchial asthma, chronic bronchitis, pulmonary emphysema, bronchiectasis, or alveolitis. It is prevalent in Japan, but is known to be rare outside of Japan. Only a few cases in Chinese, Italian, Noirth American and Korean have been reported. During recent two years we have found 16 cases of DPB in Seoul National University Hospital and analyzed the clinical characteristics. Method: We reviewed the patients' age, sex, duration of illness, smoking history, occupational history and past medical history. And we analyzed patients' symptoms, physical signs, laboratory findings and responses to treatment. Results: 1) Male: female ratio was 2.2:1, the ages ranged from 27 to 72 years old, and the duration of disease varied from 1 to 20 years. 2) Most of the patients were being treated as bronchiectasis, miliary tuberculosis, chronic bronchitis or bronchial asthma before they were diagnosed as DPB. 3) Only one patient was a smoker, and 25% of patients had the occupational history of exposure to particles or gas. And all patients had paranasal sinusitis. 4) High resolution computed tomography (HRCT) was very useful in diagnosing the disease in most of the patients. 5) PFT showed obstructive and restrictive abnormalities, and blood gas revealed hypoxemia in most of the patients. 6) Pseudomonas aeruginosa was isolated in the sputum of four patients (25%). 7) The titers of cold hemaglutinin, RA factor and CRP were elevated in most of the patients. 8) Most of the patients improved after treatment with erythromycin. Conclusion: DPB might not be a rare disease in Korea. So DPB should be suspected in a patient who has chronic cough, sputum, dyspnea and diffuse fine nodular chest X-ray abnormality. HRCT and open lung biopsy should be considered in a patient suspected of DPB.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.279-285
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• 2005

Background : Ambient particles during Asian dust events are usually less than $10{\mu}m$ in size, and known to be associated with the adverse effects on the general population. There is little evidence linking Asian dust to adverse effects on the airways. In 2002, the authors found that particulate matter during Asian dust events had an effect on the symptoms and pulmonary function of patients with bronchial asthma. An aggravating factor might be that of a viral infection, but this remains unclear. Conversely, it has been speculated that African dust may carry the virus responsible for foot and mouth disease. Asian dust events are also likely to be responsible for transporting viruses, some of which are pathogenic, and common in many environments. Therefore, in this study, air samples were screened for the presence of viruses. Methods : Air samples were collected 20 times each during Asian dust events and under non-dust conditions, for at least 6 hours per sample, using a high volume air sampler (Sibata Model HV500F), with an airflow rate of 500L/min, between April and August 2003, and between April and August 2004. The samples were then screened for the presence of targeted viruses (Influenza A, B, Hog cholera virus, and Aphthovirus) using a polymerase chain reaction method. Results : One Asian dust event occurred between April and August 2003, and 3 between April and August 2004, with a 24 hour average PM10 level of $148.0{\mu}g/m^3$. The 24 hour average PM10 level was $57{\mu}g/m^3$. There was a significant difference in the PM10 concentration between dusty and clear days. No viruses (Influenza virus, Aphthovirus, and Hog cholera virus) were identified in the air samples obtained during the dusty days. Conclusions : Although no virus was detected in this study, further studies will be needed to identify suspected viruses carried during Asian dust events, employing more appropriate virus detection conditions.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.413-429
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• 2007

The Guard over the royal household in the "Goryeo" era was the same as if was over the President or Ruler of a nation today. In those days, a king represented a nation and any threat to the safety of a king could bring the destruction of a nation and the dispersion of the people. by reviewing the change of the 2-Gun 6-Wi system of the era, it can be, summed up as follow, Ther will be suggestions. The Guard might focus on a king's personal safety in the wake of the system of the Silla and Taebong dynasties until the establishment of the Goryeo Dynasty's unique political system. "Goryeo" rebuilt the royal palace in Gyeonyeong-gun to take the shape of unified country after its accomplishment of unification of the late three countries, Then it was afraid of the rebellion and uprising of local powerful clans, The country put them under control and organized the local army with them in the era of Kings, Seongjong, through the kings, Seongjong and Gwangjong. The army system of "Goryeo" consisted of 2-Gun and 6-Wi, and 2-Gun placed above the 6-Wi played the role of the Royal guards, and among the organizations a certain army under the specific name of "Gyeonyong-gun" guarded the kings in the nearest position. An aristocratic culture enjoyed its golden age in the period of stability of the aristocracy of "Goryeo", but afterward in the confusion of the aristocratic disruption and incompatible confrontation the country lost its control, and faced military rebellions by treating civil officials well and ill-treating military officials The safety of kings become unstable with the grasping political power by the military officials, and "Dobang" was established in the era of Choi's family to grasp political power. In the era of Choi Woo, he gathered his men and organized his familys army with them and managed the personnel administration with the civil officials of "Jeongbang and Seobang under his command. Such a fact shows the similarity to today's task of guarding. Considering the facts that "Sambyeolcho, the military ground of the military-men-rule, was at the center of the struggling against Mongolia and that even after the fall of the military regime, they rebelled and fought against Mongolia to the end, we came to know that the nationalism in the era of the military era was great. In the transition of external situations from "Myeong" to "Won"(Chinese dynasties), the conflict between the old "Won"-friendly power and the new "Myeong"-friendly power caused the weakness of the power to guard the royal household, and "Goryeo" at last gave way to the newly rising "Joseon" led by Lee, Seong Gye who won the people's confidence.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.83-93
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• 2016

Objectives : The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale-Revised is a recently revised scale which has been reported as a valid tool for the assessment of depressive symptoms. It encompasses cardinal symptoms of depression described in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental disorders, fourth edition. In this study, we assessed the reliability, validity and psychometric properties of the Korean version of the CESD-R(K-CESD-R). Methods : Forty-eight patients diagnosed as major depressive disorder, dysthymia, depressive disorder NOS according to the DSM-IV criteria using Mini International Neuropsychiatric Interview and 48 healthy controls were enrolled in this study. They were assessed with K-CESD-R, K-MADRS, PHQ-9, KQIDS-SR, STAI to check cross-validation. Statistical analyses were performed using calculation of Cronbach's alpha, Pearson correlation coefficient, Principal Component Analysis, ROC curve and optimal cut-off value. Results : The Cronbach's alpha of K-CESD-R was 0.98. The total score of K-CESD-R revealed significantly high correlations with those of K-MADRS, PHQ-9, KQIDS-SR(r=0.910, 0.966 and 0.920, p<0.001, respectively). Factor analysis showed two factors account for 76.29% of total variance. We suggested the optimal cut-off value of K-CESD-R as 13 according to analysis of the ROC curve which value sensitivity and specificity both equally. Conclusions : These Results showed that the K-CESD-R could be a reliable and valid scale to assess depressive symptoms. The K-CESD-R is expected as a useful and effective tool for screening and measuring depressive symptoms not only in outpatient clinic but also epidemiologic studies.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.443-475
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• 2015

The subjects of analysis in this paper, the clan name roots "Baj," "Kim," and "Shama/Sama," while distributed commonly among the Altai, Ye i, and isolated language groups, are most widely distributed among the Evenki. The clan name root "Baj-" is widely distributed among indigenous Siberian nations, but is most frequently found among the Manchu-Tungus, especially the Evenki. Therefore, it appears that clans with this root originated from Pribajkal'e, known to be the origin of the Evenki, and spread widely among the nearby Buryats, Mongols, and Yakuts, later spread east to the Nivhi of the Amur River, to the Enisej Protoasiatic language nations such as the Yukaghir or Ket to the north, and the Samoyed language group nations such as the Ne and Selkup. According to the analysis results in this paper, the Evenki clan name "Kim" has the meaning of "person," but also is somewhat associated with gold, metal, or stone. On one hand, while the origin of the clan name "Kim" cannot be clearly established, the clan was assimilated into the Evenki near in ancient times, after which the clan name became widely known among the Manchu-Tungus nations, and furthermore in the Turk nations. The clan name Shama/sama is widely spread across Siberia, including the Manchu-Tungus language group nations of the Altai language family, the Turk language family, and the Samoyed language groups of the Ural language family. Moreover, this clan name is not associated with famous mythic ancestors or heroes of historically famous Asian nations, and it cannot be translated into contemporary language; thus the identification of the meaning and origins of this word is by no means an easy task.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.71-101
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• 2008

This study is intended to review the war and the living of the common people of Choseon dynasty, through the true stories of captives kidnapped in the region of the Qing(胡地) during the Pyeongja horan in the 17th century. The common people, Kim seung kyung and Ahn chu won, who had been kidnapped in their young age, managed to escape from the region of the Qing to Choseon after having experienced a painful living as a captive for 27 years. Kim seung kyung and Ahn chu won had to make a choice to run away from the Qing in order to bring their war distorted life back to its original state. Kim seung kyung who had successfully escaped, could live without severe difficulties by the aid of his family living at his hometown, but Ahn chu won who had not found his own family or relatives, couldn't have got any helping hand from the people mentally or financially. So, he tried to escape again to Beijing, but discovered and captured so that a diplomatic problem was caused between the Choseon and the Qing Dynasty. Through the true story of Kim seung kyung and Ahn chu won, we can see the lives of Choseon common people who were trying to overcome the difficulties with their own iron will without being undaunted by hardships. Even though the captives had terrible experiences hating to remember, their experiences gave a chance to the Choseon people opening their eyes to the foreign cultures and the new world. At that time, the Choseon government was too weak to estimate how many captives were or what the captive's real fact was. Meanwhile the Choseon government managed to do the least duty in order to protect its people, by breaking the provisions of repatriation that the fled captives should be returned back to the Qing Dynasty. Through reviewing the captive's true story of the Choseon common people, we can ruminate the Choseon society in the 17th century which failed to establish an independent national history, and the issue of the Korean War captives in the modern history forgotten under the shade of the dustbin of history.

• Journal of Life Science
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• v.31 no.12
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• pp.1088-1093
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• 2021

Jeju horse (Equus ferus caballus) is a Korean horse breed that has been native to Jeju Island for a long time. Jeju horses are used as racehorses, and their racing ability is a major economic trait. The role of the myostatin (MSTN) gene in skeletal muscle mass has been studied in various mammals, and mutations in the MSTN gene are known to affect the racing ability and stamina of thoroughbreds. In this study, we compared the frequency of mutations in the MSTN gene in several horse breeds, including 1,433 Jeju horses. Among the mutations (ECA18 g.66493737C>T) in the MSTN gene, the long-distance aptitude genotype (TT) was found to have a frequency of 0.826 in Jeju horses, which was higher than that in Halla horses (0.285) and thoroughbreds (0.252). The genotypes and arrival records of Jeju horses were compared according to various distances (400 m, 800 m, 900 m, 1,000 m, 1,110 m, and 1,200 m). According to the results, the CT type showed a faster-reaching record than the TT type in races of less than 1,000 m. However, almost identical results were confirmed in races over 1,110 m. This study suggests that the MSTN mutation in Jeju horses may be related to race distance aptitude. In future research, the data in this study can be used for developing markers related to race distance aptitude and racing abilities in Jeju horses.

• Journal of Appropriate Technology
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.21-27
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• 2020

The ASF, which originated in Africa and threatens the world, landed in Asia in 2018 in China, and became a stern threat to the security of the Korean Peninsula when North Korea officially reported the ASF to the OIE in May 2019. In 1921, Montgomery, a British veterinary pathologist, made headlines by naming the African swine fever "African Swine Fever," or ASF, a disease caused by a high fatality virus that existed in East Africa. The ASF, which was a pandemic of endemic diseases in Africa, landed in Portgal around 1957 and swept through farms in Lisbon, Portugal. The ASF continued to settle in Spain and Portugal, causing 40 years of damage until the end of the 1990s, and is now in progress after landing on the Italian island of Sardinia in 1978. The virus, which landed in Portiport of Georgia on the Black Sea coast of the Black Sea in 2007, spread to Russia and caused massive damage to China in 2018, then rapidly spread to Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar in May 2019 and spread across the country, causing massive damage to the pork industry and is now in progress. Just three months after confirming the outbreak in North Korea, the outbreak at farms in Paju and Yeoncheon was confirmed on Sept. 16, 2019, leaving South Korea with the stigma of ASF-causing countries, and although the ASF's nationwide expansion has been blocked, it is currently underway in wild boars. If the ongoing ASF in the two Koreas becomes indigenous, it would be a major disaster not only for the pork industry but also for the Korean Peninsula economy. Under the current circumstances, it is impossible to focus only on veterinary areas limited to South Korea, ruling out risk factors from the ASF outbreak. Currently, it is difficult to prevent damage to the pork industry due to the ASF outbreak due to the poor water defense reality in North Korea, and as it is adjacent to China, which has a high risk of developing various epidemic diseases, there is a need for the two Koreas to jointly conduct quarantine and quarantine on the border areas. First of all, I think rapid exchange of information and education on ASF and other diseases is necessary before establishing a joint defense system on the Korean Peninsula. It is important to conduct thorough quarantine and disinfection of ASF-generated areas in North Korea, and areas bordering China and Russia, and jointly conduct thorough quarantine and control of livestock and livestock products in circulation. Cooperation by the South and North Korean water defense industries to prevent the protracted ASF on the Korean Peninsula by all means and methods is essential.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.