• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.170-203
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• 2018

From the period of Japanese colonialism up to the present, the researchers of archaeology and ancient history in Korea and Japan have paid much attention to the Honam area. Recently the ruins and relics of Wae lineage are often discovered at archaeological excavation sites in this region. In particular, at least 17 keyhole-shaped mounds were confirmed. The fact that three mounds were built on one site was newly revealed. Haniwa, a representative earthenware object of the Kofun period in Japan, was discovered as well. Therefore, the study of a historical meaning of archaeological materials about Wae lineage in the Honam area thus far must be reexamined. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area have been studied by selecting only specific cases. I identified all the ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area and analyzed the process of their change in this paper. I reviewed the relationship between Wae and Mahan, and the purpose of their negotiation based on archaeological characteristics, changing processes, and historical records on a quarterly basis. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage have increased and widely spread since the early period of the 5th century in the Honam area. This tendency continued until the late period of the 6th century. Weapons of Wae lineage were introduced and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late 4th century to the early period of the 5th century (TG232~TK216 period). Sueki was introduced from the middle to late period of the 5th century (TK208~TK23 period). Keyhole-shaped mounds and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late period of the 5th century to the early period of the 6th century (TK47~MT15 period). Japanese weapons were introduced from the middle to late period of the 6th century (TK10~TK209 period). In other words, the archaeological appearance is different in each quarterly period. There was an intensive diplomatic relationship between Baekje and Wae in the TG232~TK216 period. The military might be included in a mission of Wae. The materials of Wae lineage of this period are likely to be related to this. Sueki spread to the inland part of the Honam area in the TK208~TK23 period. This Sueki tends to be excavated on advantageous sites for the accumulation and distribution of supplies. The main characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds are presumed to be a group of traders which were under the control of a certain influence in the north of Kyushu. The keyhole-shaped mounds were abruptly built at some distance from mounds of the leaders in the Honam area. Additionally, there was no special influence base to which the characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds belonged in the surroundings. However, it might have been impossible for the group of traders to build the keyhole-shaped mounds without the support from the residents at all because there was a big difference in the building technology of the keyhole-shaped mounds between Japan and the Honam area. The time of building some keyhole-shaped mounds is the same or almost the same with that of the mounds built for the regional leaders. This proves a close relationship with the residents as well. What do the archaeological materials of Wae lineage which have been used and buried mean over 200 years in the Honam area? Geumgwan Gaya, which had exported iron resources to Japan, perished in the early period of the 5th century. Instead of Gaya, the Honam area might have played an important role to supply the necessary resources to Japan. We assume that the Japanese (Wae) actively worked to acquire various resources focusing on the underground resources in the Honam area.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.30 no.1_2
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• pp.49-63
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• 2018

Purpose : The purpose of this study is investigating the changes of treatment plan and comparing skin dose with or without the skin flash. To investigate optimal applications of the skin flash, the changes of skin dose of each plans by various thicknesses of skin flash were measured and analyzed also. Methods and Material : Anthropomorphic phantom was scanned by CT for this study. The 2 fields hybrid IMRT and the 6 fields static IMRT were generated from the Eclipse (ver. 13.7.16, Varian, USA) RTP system. Additional plans were generated from each IMRT plans by changing skin flash thickness to 0.5 cm, 1.0 cm, 1.5 cm, 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm. MU and maximum doses were measured also. The treatment equipment was 6MV of VitalBeam (Varian Medical System, USA). Measuring device was a metal oxide semiconductor field-effect transistor(MOSFET). Measuring points of skin doses are upper (1), middle (2) and lower (3) positions from center of the left breast of the phantom. Other points of skin doses, artificially moved to medial and lateral sides by 0.5 cm, were also measured. Results : The reference value of 2F-hIMRT was 206.7 cGy at 1, 186.7 cGy at 2, and 222 cGy at 3, and reference values of 6F-sIMRT were measured at 192 cGy at 1, 213 cGy at 2, and 215 cGy at 3. In comparison with these reference values, the first measurement point in 2F-hIMRT was 261.3 cGy with a skin flash 2.0 cm and 2.5 cm, and the highest dose difference was 26.1 %diff. and 5.6 %diff, respectively. The third measurement point was 245.3 cGy and 10.5 %diff at the skin flash 2.5 cm. In the 6F-sIMRT, the highest dose difference was observed at 216.3 cGy and 12.7 %diff. when applying the skin flash 2.0 cm for the first measurement point and the dose difference was the largest at the application point of 2.0 cm, not the skin flash 2.5 cm for each measurement point. In cases of medial 0.5 cm shift points of 2F-hIMRT and 6F-sIMRT without skin flash, the measured value was -75.2 %diff. and -70.1 %diff. at 2F, At -14.8, -12.5, and -21.0 %diff. at the 1st, 2nd and 3rd measurement points, respectively. Generally, both treatment plans showed an increase in total MU, maximum dose and %diff as skin flash thickness increased, except for some results. The difference of skin dose using 0.5 cm thickness of skin flash was lowest lesser than 20 % in every conditions. Conclusion : Minimizing the thickness of skin flash by 0.5 cm is considered most ideal because it makes it possible to keep down MUs and lowering maximum doses. In addition, It was found that MUs, maximum doses and differences of skin doses did not increase infinitely as skin flash thickness increase by. If the error margin caused by PTV or other factors is lesser than 1.0 cm, It is considered that there will be many advantages in with the skin flash technique comparing without it.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.25-34
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• 2019

Objectives : This study aimed to compare the psychosocial characteristics among patients with functional gastrointestinal disorder (FGID), adults with functional gastrointestinal symptoms, and normal control group and investigate factors related to quality of life (QoL) of FGID patients. Methods : 65 patients diagnosed with FGID were selected. 79 adults were selected as normal control group based on the Rome III diagnostic criteria, and 88 adults who showed functional gastrointestinal symptoms were selected as "FGID positive group". Demographic factors were investigated. Psychosocial factors were evaluated using the Korean-Beck Depression Inventory-II, Korean-Beck Anxiety Inventory, Korean-Childhood Trauma Questionnaire, Multi-dimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support, Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale and WHO Quality of Life Assessment Instrument Brief Form. A one-way ANOVA was used to compare differences among groups. Pearson correlation test was used to analyze correlations between QoL and psychosocial factors in patients with FGID. Results : There were group differences in the education level. Depression (F=29.012, p<0.001), anxiety (F=27.954, p<0.001) and Childhood trauma (F=7.748, p<0.001) were significantly higher in FGID patient group than in both FGID-positive and normal control group. Social support (F=5,123, p<0.001), Resilience (F=9.623, p<0.001) and QoL (F=35.991, p<0.001) were significantly lower in the FGID patient group than in others. QoL of FGID patients showed a positive correlation with resilience (r=0.475, p<0.01), and showed a negative correlation with depression (r=-0.641, p<0.01), anxiety (r=-0.641, p<0.01), and childhood trauma (r=-0.278, p<0.05). Conclusions : FGID patients have distinctive psychosocial factors compared to the both FGID-positive and normal control group. Therefore, the active interventions for psychosocial factors are required in the treatment of patients with FGID.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.33-41
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• 2019

Purpose : To evaluate the effectiveness of Jaw-tracking(JT) technique in Intensity-modulated radiation therapy(IMRT) and Volumetric-modulated arc therapy(VMAT) for radiation therapy of esophageal cancer by analyzing volume dose of perimetrical normal organs along with the low-dose volume regions. Materials and Method: A total of 27 patients were selected who received radiation therapy for esophageal cancer with using $VitalBeam^{TM}$(Varian Medical System, U.S.A) in our hospital. Using Eclipse system(Ver. 13.6 Varian, U.S.A), radiation treatment planning was set up with Jaw-tracking technique(JT) and Non-Jaw-tracking technique(NJT), and was conducted for the patients with T-shaped Planning target volume(PTV), including Supraclavicular lymph nodes(SCL). PTV was classified into whether celiac area was included or not to identify the influence on the radiation field. To compare the treatment plans, Organ at risk(OAR) was defined to bilateral lung, heart, and spinal cord and evaluated for Conformity index(CI) and Homogeneity index(HI). Portal dosimetry was performed to verify a clinical application using Electronic portal imaging device(EPID) and Gamma analysis was performed with establishing thresholds of radiation field as a parameter, with various range of 0 %, 5 %, and 10 %. Results: All treatment plans were established on gamma pass rates of 95 % with 3 mm/3 % criteria. For a threshold of 10 %, both JT and NJT passed with rate of more than 95 % and both gamma passing rate decreased more than 1 % in IMRT as the low dose threshold decreased to 5 % and 0 %. For the case of JT in IMRT on PTV without celiac area, $V_5$ and $V_{10}$ of both lung showed a decrease by respectively 8.5 % and 5.3 % in average and up to 14.7 %. A $D_{mean}$ decreased by $72.3{\pm}51cGy$, while there was an increase in radiation dose reduction in PTV including celiac area. A $D_{mean}$ of heart decreased by $68.9{\pm}38.5cGy$ and that of spinal cord decreased by $39.7{\pm}30cGy$. For the case of JT in VMAT, $V_5$ decreased by 2.5 % in average in lungs, and also a little amount in heart and spinal cord. Radiation dose reduction of JT showed an increase when PTV includes celiac area in VMAT. Conclusion: In the radiation treatment planning for esophageal cancer, IMRT showed a significant decrease in $V_5$, and $V_{10}$ of both lungs when applying JT, and dose reduction was greater when the irradiated area in low-dose field is larger. Therefore, IMRT is more advantageous in applying JT than VMAT for radiation therapy of esophageal cancer and can protect the normal organs from MLC leakage and transmitted doses in low-dose field.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.32-51
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• 2016

This study examines, based on the database of the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics(ITKC), the garden plants and their symbolism, and the landscape culture recorded in 'Jipkyungjaeyoungsi(the Series of Poems on Gardens Poetry)' in relevance to traditional houses. First, Jipkyungjaeyoungsi had been continuously written since mid-Goryeo dynasty, when it was first brought in, until the late Joseon dynasty. It was mainly enjoyed by the upper class who chose the path of civil servants. 33 pieces of Jaeyoungsi(題詠詩) in 25 books out of a total of 165 books are related to residential gardens. The first person who wrote a poem in relation to this is believed to be Lee GyuBo(1168~1241) in the late Goryeo dynasty. He is believed to be the first person to contribute to the expansion of natural materials and the variation of entertainment in landscape culture with such books as 'Toesikjaepalyoung(退食齋八詠)', 'Gabeunjeungyukyoung(家盆中六詠)'and 'Gapoyukyoung(家圃六詠)'. Second, most of the poems used the names of the guesthouses. Out of the 33 sections, 19(57.5%) used 8 yeong(詠), then it was in the sequence of 4 yeong(詠), 6 yeong, 10 yeong, 14 yeong, 15 yeong, 16 yeong, 36 yeong(詠) and so on. In the poem writing, it appears to break the patterns of Sosangpalkyung(瀟湘八景) type of writings and is differentiated by (1) focusing on the independent title of the scenery, (2) combining the names of the place and landscape, (3) focusing on the name of the landscape. Third, the subtitles were derived from (1) mostly natural landscape focused on nature and garden plants(22 sections, 66.7%), (2) cultural landscape focused on landscape facilities such as guesthouses, ponds and pavilions(3 sections), (3) complex cultural scenery focused on the activities of people in nature(8 sections). Residents enjoy not only their aesthetic preferences and actual view, but the ideation of the scenery. Especially, they display attachment to and preference for vegetables and herbs, which had been neglected. Fourth, the percentage of deciduous tree population(17 species) rated higher(80.9%) compared to the evergreens(4 species). These aspects are similar results with the listed rate in 'Imwonkyungjaeji(林園經濟志)' by Seo YuGu [evergreen 18 species(21.2%) and deciduous trees 67 species(78.8%)] and precedent researches [Byun WooHyuk(1976), Jung DongOh(1977), Lee Sun(2006)]. Fifth, the frequency of the occurrence of garden plants were plum blossoms(14 times), bamboos(14 times), pine trees(11 times), lotus(11 times), chrysanthemum(10 times), willows(5 times), pomegranates(4 times), maple trees(14 times), royal foxglove trees, common crapemyrtle, chestnut trees, peony, plantains, reeds and a cockscombs(2 times). Thus, the frequency were higher with symbolic plants in relations to (1) Confucian norms(pine trees, oriental arbor vitae, plum blossoms, chrysanthemums, bamboos and lotus), (2) living philosophy of sustain-ability(chrysanthemum, willow), (3) the ideology of seclusion and seeking peace of mind(royal foxglove ree, bamboo). Sixth, it was possible to trace plants in the courtyard and outer garden, vegetable and herb garden. Many symbolic plants were introduced in the courtyard, and it became cultural landscape beyond aesthetic taste. In the vegetable and herb garden, vegetables, fruits and medicinal plants are apparently introduced for epigenetic use. The plants that were displayed to be observed and enjoyed were the sweet flag, pomegranate, daphne odora, chrysanthemum, bamboo, lotus and plum blossom. Seventh, it was possible to understand garden culture related to landscaping materials through poetic words such as pavilions, ponds, stream, flower pot, oddly shaped stones, backyard, orchard, herb garden, flower bed, chrysanthemum fence, boating, fishing, passing the glass around, feet bathing, flower blossom, forest of apricot trees, peach blossoms, stroking the pine tree, plum flower blossoming through the snow and frosted chrysanthemum.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.35-59
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• 2018

Professor Bin Cheng said that outer space was res extra commercium, while the moon and the other celestial bodies were res nullius before the 1967 Outer Space Treaty(OST). However, Article 2 of the OST made the moon and other celestial bodies have the legal status as res extra commmercium, not appropriated by any country or private enterprises or individual person, but the resources there can be freely available, as those on the high seas. The non-appropriation principle was introduced to corpus juris spatialis internationalis. Whether or not the non-appropriation principle is binding for the non-parties of the OST, many scholars see this principle as an international customary law, even developing into jus cogens. Article 11(2) of the Moon Agreement(MA) reconfirms the nonappropriation principle of Article 2 of the OST, but it has much less effect than the OST because the MA binds only the 18 parties involved. The MA applies only to the moon and celestial bodies other than the Earth in the Solar System, the OST's application scope extends to the Galaxy because the OST has no such substantive enactment. As referred to in the 2015 CSLCA of USA or Luxembourg's Law of Space Resources, allowing individuals and enterprises run by other countries to commercially explore and utilize the space resources, the question may arise whether this violates the non-appropriation principle under Article 2 of the OST and Article 11 of the MA. In the case of the CSLCA, the law explicitly specifies that sovereignty, possessory rights, and judiciary rights to a specific celestial body cannot be claimed, let alone ownership. This author believes that this law respects the legal status of outer space and the celestial bodies as res extra commmercium. As long as any countries or private enterprises or individuals respect the non-appropriation principle of outer space and the celestial bodies, they could use, exploit it. Another question might be raised in the difference between res extra commercium on the high seas and res extra commercium in outer space and the celestial bodies. Collecting resources on the high seas and exploiting space resources should be interpreted differently. On the high seas, resources can be collected without any obstacles like fishing, whereas, in the case of the deep sea-bed area, the Common Heritage of Mankind principles under the UNCLOS should be operated by the International Seabed Authority as an international regime. The nature or form of the sea resources found on the high seas are thus different from that of space resources, which are fixed on the moon and the celestial bodies without water. Thus, if individuals or private enterprises collect these resources from outer space and the celestial bodies, they might secure a certain section and continue collecting or mining works without any limitation. If an American enterprise receives an approval from the U.S. government, secures the best location and collects resources on the moon, can other countries' enterprises access to this area? How large the exploiting place can be allotted on the moon? How long should such a exploiting activity be lasted? Under the current international space law, these matters might be handled according to the principle of "first come, first served." As a consequence, the international community should provide a guideline or a proposal for the settlement of any foreseeable disputes during the space activity to solve plausible space legal questions in the near future.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.267-281
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• 2019

Energetic mesoscale eddies in the East Sea (ES) associated with strong mesoscale variability impacting circulation and environments were statistically characterized by analyzing satellite altimeter data collected during 1993-2017 and in-situ data obtained from four cruises conducted between 2015 and 2017. A total of 1,008 mesoscale eddies were detected, tracked, and identified and then classified into 27 groups characterized by mean lifetime (L, day), amplitude (H, m), radius (R, km), intensity per unit area (EI, $cm^2/s^2/km^2$), ellipticity (e), eddy kinetic energy (EKE, TJ), available potential energy (APE, TJ), and direction of movement. The center, boundary, and amplitude of mesoscale eddies identified from satellite altimeter data were compared to those from the in-situ observational data for the four cases, yielding uncertainties in the center position of 2-10 km, boundary position of 10-20 km, and amplitude of 0.6-5.9 cm. The mean L, H, R, EI, e, EKE, and APE of the ES mesoscale eddies during the total period are $95{\pm}104$ days, $3.5{\pm}1.5cm$, $39{\pm}6km$, $0.023{\pm}0.017cm^2/s^2/km^2$, $0.72{\pm}0.07$, $23{\pm}21TJ$, and $588{\pm}250TJ$, respectively. The ES mesoscale eddies tend to move following the mean surface current rather than propagating westward. The southern groups (south of the subpolar front) have a longer L, larger H, R, and higher EKE, APE; and stronger EI than those of the northern groups and tend to move a longer distance following surface currents. There are exceptions to the average characteristics, such as the quasi-stationary groups (the Wonsan Warm, Wonsan Cold, Western Japan Basin Warm, and Northern Subpolar Frontal Cold Eddy groups) and short-lived groups with a relatively larger H, higher EKE, and APE and stronger EI (the Yamato Coastal Warm, Central Yamato Warm, and Eastern Japan Basin Coastal Warm eddy groups). Small eddies in the northern ES hardly resolved using the satellite altimetry data only, were not identified here and discussed with potential over-estimations of the mean L, H, R, EI, EKE, and APE. This study suggests that the ES mesoscale eddies 1) include newly identified groups such as the Hokkaido and the Yamato Rise Warm Eddies in addition to relatively well-known groups (e.g., the Ulleung Warm and the Dok Cold Eddies); 2) have a shorter L; smaller H, R, and lower EKE; and stronger EI and higher APE than those of the global ocean, and move following surface currents rather than propagating westward; and 3) show large spatial inhomogeneity among groups.