• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.289-302
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• 2023

The study area was Gangnim-myeon, Hoengseong-gun, Gangwon-do, composed of the Chiaksan gneiss complex, and it was revealed that the concentrations of uranium (U) and thorium (Th) within the groundwater of the study area exceeded their water quality standards. Hence, artificial weathering experiments were conducted to elucidate mineralogically the mechanisms of their leaching using drilling cores obtained from the corresponding groundwater aquifers. First of all, the mineralogical compositions of core samples were observed, and the results indicated that the content of clinochlore, a member of the chlorite group of minerals that can form through low- and intermediate-temperature metamorphisms, was relatively higher. In addition, the Th concentration was measured ten times higher than that of U. The results of artificial weathering experiments suggested that the Th concentrations gradually increased through the dissolution of radioactive-element-bearing minerals up to the first day, and then they tended to decrease. It could be attributed to the fact that Th was leached with the dissolution of thorite, which might be a secondary mineral, and then dissolved Th was re-precipitated as the various forms of salt, such as sulfate. Even though the U content was lower than that of Th in the core samples, the U concentration was one hundred times higher than that of Th after the weathering experiments. It is likely caused by the gradual dissolution and desorption of U included in intensively weathered thorite or adsorbed as a form of UO₂²⁺ on the mineral surface. In addition, the leaching tendency of U and Th was positively correlated with the bicarbonate concentration. However, the concentrations between U and Th in groundwater exhibited a relatively lower correlation, which might result from the fact that they occurred from different sources, as aforementioned. Among various kinetic models, the parabolic diffusion and pseudo-second-order kinetic models were confirmed to best fit the dissolution kinetics of both elements. The period that would be taken for the U concentration to exceed its drinking-water standard was inferred using the regressed parameters of the best-fitted models, and the duration of 29.4 years was predicted in the neutral-pH aquifers with relatively higher concentrations of HCO₃, indicating that U could be relatively quickly leached out into groundwater.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.84 no.4
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• pp.465-478
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• 1995

The objective of this study was to investigate the impacts of large-scale timber harvesting on the environment of a mature hardwood forest. To achieve the objective, the effects of harvesting on forest environmental factors were analyzed quantitatively using the field data measured in the study sites of Seoul National University Research Forests [(Mt.) Paekunsan] for two years(1993-1994) following timber harvesting. The field data include information on vegetation, soil mesofauna, physicochemical characteristics of soil, surface water runoff, water quality in the stream, and hillslope erosion. For comparison, field data for each environmental factor were collected in forest areas disturbed by logging and undisturbed, separately. The results of this study were as follows : The diversity of vegetational species increased in the harvested sites. However, the similarity index value of species between harvested and non-harvested sites was close to each other. Soil bulk density and soil hardness were increased after timber harvesting, respectively. The level of organic matter, total-N, avail $P_2O_5$, CEC($K^+$, $Na^+$, $Ca^{{+}{+}}$, $Mg^{{+}{+}}$) in the harvested area were found decreased. While the population of Colembola spp., and Acari spp. among soil mesofauna in harvested sites increased by two to seven times compared to those of non-harvested sites during the first year, the rates of increment decreased in the second year. However, those members of soil mesofauna in harvested sites were still higher than those of non-harvested sites in the second year. The results of statistical analysis using the stepwise regression method indicated that the diversity of soil mesofauna were significantly affected by soil moisture, soil bulk density, $Mg^{{+}{+}}$, CEC, and soil temperature at soil depth of 5(0~10)cm in the order of importance. The amount of surface water runoff on harvested sites was larger than that of non-harvested sites by 28% in the first year and 24.5% in the second year after timber harvesting. The level of BOD, COD, and pH in the stream water on the harvested sites reached at the level of the domestic use for drinking in the first and second year after timber harvesting. Such heavy metals as Cd, Pb, Cu, and organic P were not found. Moreover, the level of eight factors of domestic use for drinking water designated by the Ministry of Health and Welfare of Korea were within the level of the first class in the quality of drinking water standard. The study also showed that the amount of hillslope erosion in harvested sites was 4.77 ton/ha/yr in the first year after timber harvesting. In the second year, the amount decreased rapidly to 1.0 ton/ha/yr. The impact of logging on hillslope erosion in the harvested sites was larger than that in non-harvested sites by seven times in the first year and two times in the second year. The above results indicate that the large-scale timber harvesting cause significant changes in the environmental factors. However, the results are based on only two-year field observation. We should take more field observation and analyses to increase understandings on the impacts of timber harvesting on environmental changes. With the understandings, we might be able to improve the technology of timber harvesting operations to reduce the environmental impacts of large-scale timber harvesting.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.92-98
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• 1976

The present studies were carried out to observe the nutritional effects of three kinds of locally produced dried infantile formula milk (DFM) and one fermented milk (FM). A feeding trial with 60 male growing albino rats weighing $60{\sim}70$ grams was conducted during 6 weeks to compare the nutritive values and protein qualities of three DFM and a FM. The diet treatments consisted of 100% control diet, 70% control diet plus 30% DFM-A, 70% control diet plus 30% DFM-B, 70% control diet plus 30% DFM-C, 100% control diet with FM and 70% control diet plus 30% DFM-B with FM. The items investigated were body weight gain, feed intake, feed efficiency ratio (FER), various organ weights, protein efficiency ratio (PER), digestibility of nutrients, biological value, utilizability of protein and intestinal microbial changes of albino rats. The results obtained are summarized as follows; 1. Although there was no statistical significance, rats fed diets containing DFMs and FM gained faster than the rats fed control diet. The best growth rate was obtained with the DFM-A and DFM-C groups. In spite of the lower protein contents of the three DFM diets than the control diet, the growth rate of albino rats fed the DFM diets was somewhat improved than rats fed control diet. 2. No statistical significance was found in feed consumption but the trend was that the feed intake of control group was higher than those of the DFM diet group. 3. Feed efficiency was inproved significantly (p<0.01) by feeding DFMs as compared with control diet. DFM-A group showed the best FER, although no statistical significance was found. 4. Rats fed the DFM diets showed significantly (p<0.01) higher PER as compared with those of the control group. But no difference was found anions DFM groups. The significant improvement (p<0.01) of PER due also to the feeding of FM was seemed to be brought about by the beneficial effect of FM. 5. The present data revealed that feeding DFM and FM didn't affect the weights of various organs of rats. 6. The protein digestibility of experimental diets was similar to each other. Although no statistical significance was found among treatments, the DFMs and FM surely tended to improve the biological value and utilizability of protein. 7. Microbial study indicated that among intestinal flora FM fed group, there were more Lactic acid bacteria than E. coli. From the experimental results described above, it may be concluded that the nutritive effects of three kinds of locally produced DFMs are much alike and the growth rate of growing albino rats can be improved by feeding either DFM or FM due to their beneficial effects on the feed efficiency and protein utilization.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2012

This study was carried out to investigate the toxicity of food Red No.2 in the Sprague-Dawley (SD) female rat for 4 weeks. SD rats were orally administered for 28 days, with dosage of 500, 1,000, 2,000 mg/kg/day. Animals treated with food Red No.2 did not cause any death and show any clinical signs. They did not show any significant changes of body weight, feed uptake and water consumption. There were not significantly different from the control group in urinalysis, hematological, serum biochemical value and histopathological examination. In conclusion, 4 weeks of the repetitive oral medication of food Red No.2 has resulted no alteration of toxicity according to the test materials in the group of female rats with injection of 2,000 mg/kg. Therefore, food Red No.2 was not indicated to have any toxic effect in the SD rats, when it was orally administered below the dosage 2,000 mg/kg/day for 4 weeks.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.