• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.7-39
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• 2007

This study tried to revaluate the Erasure of Japanese National Flag in Dong-A Ilbo. In spite of its historical significance, this event was not explored thoroughly by researchers. While it was known as Chosunjoongang-Ilbo erased the Japanese National Flag earlier than Dong-A Ilbo on August 13 1936, but this study found out that Dong-A Ilbo erased the Japanese National Flag in the local morning edition of the same day. With the victory of Kijeong Son in the Berlin Olympic Marathon the nationalistic coverage of Dong-A Ilbo seemed to be revived. And this change caused the severe suppression by the colonial Japanese government. The government intended to eliminate the influences of Seongsu Kim and Jinwoo Song to make Dong-A Ilbo more cooperative partner. But because the intention of the government was not acceptable to two men, Dong-A Ilbo posed a noncooperative stance. This resulted in the longest suspension over 9 months. Finally with the change of stance to a compromising one, Dong-A Ilbo could be released from the longest suspension on June 3rd, 1937.

• River and Culture
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• v.1
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• pp.38-39
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• 2005

서울 청계천 복원 사업으로 인해 문화재 복원 등을 놓고 서울시와 시민단체가 갈등을 빚어 사업진행이 수월치만은 않은 가운데 소설가 박경리씨가 복원방식에 문제를 제기하는 기고문을 동아일보에 보냈으며 2004년 3월6일자 동아일보에 실렸던 기사를 하나의 보탬없이 동아일보의 양해를 얻어 그대로 수록하였다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.196-225
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• 2016

This study investigated the coverage on the settlement of pro-Japanese Koreans by Dongailbo and Chosunilbo during the U.S. Military Government period. 266 related articles of two newspapers searched by 6 keywords were analyzed quantitatively. And the qualitative analysis on the coverage of related issues were supplemented. Generally two newspapers can be evaluated as passive on the pro-Japanese issues. They said that anti-national activities of that time which might be an obstacle to the establishment of independent nation even more critical than the pro-Japanese activities in the past. In addition they suggested to suspend the settlement of pro-Japanese Koreans after the establishment of Korean Government, because the settlement might cause a big confusion and a vacuum of personnel. On some issues the distinction between two newspapers derived from their political orientation were revealed. Dongailbo represented the standpoint of the rightists fully and Chosunilbo revealed relatively balanced coverage.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.130-153
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine how the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$, a prevailing newspaper in Korea, has constructed 5.18 discourse. In the last thirty years or so in Korea, '5.18(the Gwangju Democratization Movement)', in both academic and social realm, has been one of the most disputed issues in the process of political change. However, little attention has been given to this topic in the field of communication study. Thus, we attempted to illuminate the construction of 5.18 dicourse by using terms analysis and discourse analysis of editorials during the period of May 18, 1980-December 31, 2010. From the study, it is found that the use of terms has changed from 'crisis' through 'resistance', 'slaughter', 'revolt' to 'democratization movement' in the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. And it is also found that 5.18 discourse has been developed in the order of 'tragic incident discourse', 'truth investigation discourse', 'rehabilitation discourse', 'deferment discourse', 'punishment discourse', 'political strife discourse' in the editorials of the $Dong-A$ $Ilbo$. These shifts of terms and discourse have been mostly led by socio-political changes. Based on the research results, the central characteristics of 5.18 discourse of the Korean mainstream press were elaborated and the implications of the results were discussed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.132-155
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine the Korean journalists in Busan during the Japanese colonial period. For this purpose this study analyze the managers of Busan branch of the Dong-A Daily News and Chosun Daily News. The personal history and ideological background of them show that the majority have the career of socialist or nationalist movement. In case of the Dong-A Daily News, at least five managers out of nine came from socialist movement. An Heeje and Kim Jongbeom of the Dong-A Daily News were a nationwide figure in nationalist and socialist movement. The ideological background of the managers of the Dong-A Daily News were more progressive than those of the Chosun Daily News. This difference of two newspapers seem to be resulted from the characteristic and social reputation of them. The activists of that time viewed the newspapers as the most effective instrument to approach to mass. And the executives of two newspaper companies also viewed these activists have advantages to the sales promotion of the newspapers.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.219-249
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• 2005

This study analyzes the historical cases of audience's boycott movement to the Korean newspapers in the mid-1920s. five historical cases from 1924 till 1927 were analyzed in this study. These cases have a few differences in comparison with the cases of the early 1920s. Firstly, the boycott movement was activated considerably, and the target of movement was diversified. The number of cases in early 1920s was only two, and the target of both cases were The Dong-A Ilbo. But we could confirm at least 7 cases in mid 1920s through this study. In addition to The Dong-A Ilbo, the target included The Chosun Ilbo, and The Namsun Ilbo published in Masan. The location of the movement was not restricted to Seoul. It was also executed at the small cities and rural areas, such as Masan, Jinnampo, Bugang. Ihe analysis of the context of the boycott reveals that most cases wert caused mainly by the conflict of interest between parties. Some parties that dissatisfied with the coverage of a newspaper resolved and executed the boycott to that newspaper.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.330
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• pp.82-82
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• 2003

• 한국IT서비스학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2002.11a
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• pp.133-137
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• 2002

• Korean Architects
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• s.626
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• pp.16-17
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• 2021