• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.185-196
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• 1991

The rice culture, the most representative farming in humid regions of East Asia, have been playing a decisive role in supplying finance and staple food of the nations. This situation must be formed with exchange of techniques and interests in the matter betwen China, Korea and Japan. Especially Korea was obligated to playa bridge role because of geographical conditions, thereby the situations of agriculture were repeatedly reclaimed, and recovered by changes of cultures during external aggression, and internal disturbances. Thus, it is obvious that development of rice culture and its techniques was being undaunted in Korea. Nevertheless, in history of Korea, the documents of the government on chronicles of the dynasty were plentiful, while they were very poor in countryside and rural communities, so that it is very hard to search the transition process of rice culture and its techniques. Finally, the faming books that were begun editing from the early Chosun dynasty are here divided chronically and examined, and also the interrelationships are compared and discussed here. The objectives of this study were to discuss the following questions？ How were the dryfarming techniques, introduced from the ancient China by the end of Koryo dynasty, established to fit for our situations？ What were the basis for reestablishment of the techniques with originality？ How were they continued and changed through the internal and external wars in the Chosun dynasty？ What were suggested from these continuously results by the end of the Chosun dynasty?

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.57
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• pp.195-210
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• 2001

One kiln site of Koryo Earthenware in Hwakok-ri, Ansung was excavated from March 15, 1999 to May 15, 1999 by Museum Team of Ehwa Women's University, and also other one earthenware kiln site was confirmed as exposed figure on the ground. In this study, the

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.64-75
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• 2010

Gyeongju, with its thousand-year-old history of the Silla Dynasty, is an impressive historical city where beautiful nature of mountains in the background and rivers in its front is getting along with the city landscape. The historic landscape of Gyeongju is divided into three groups: the old town, the ruins preservation region in the southeast of old towns, and the natural landscape region surrounding these regions. The old town region shows a common landscape of which general small cities in Korea may have, while its surroundings display the overlaps of natural and historic landscapes. The special city landscape is presented only in Gyeongju. Nevertheless, the northern area of the old town was built based on the concept of new towns without any height restriction of buildings, damaging the historic landscape of Gyeongju. It is misjudgment by interpreting the cultural heritage as the individual artifact rather than the continuous historic landscape. Since the 1970s when rapid industrialization and urbanization appeared along with the comprehensive development for Gyeongju tourism, the historic landscape has been slowly damaged. There were not enough financial and political supports from the central government, because the project for Gyeongju tourism was focused on the investment on the tourist industry. Now, in order to preserve the historical city like Gyeongju which represents the culture of Korea, the central government should actively engage in its protection. Policies of the central government should be focused on educating people that the historical restoration of Gyeongju is a way of recovering the national pride, and drawing the agreement of people. For its accomplishment, the government should change its policy from economy-oriented to culture-oriented. That is, the cultural policy should be emphasized.

• Archives of design research
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• v.18 no.3 s.61
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• pp.55-62
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• 2005

Recently, the opening of the world economy and regional ization of national demand endless endeavors and investments to upbring design-industry for regional economic development. Our domestic commodities, declined in price competitiveness against China and Southeast Asian nations, need construction of brand image of commodities and consumers' response through expanded concernments in marketing spheres. The design-industry is a important means to strengthen competitiveness of the domestic industry through discrimination of commodities and creativity of high added value. Design-industry has some problems in circumstances; commodity development and marketing are below the level in the sphere of manufacture industry yet and businessmen are unwilling to invest demanded for development of new design. Establishment of the personal foundation, useful for accumulating competent designers' experiences and technologies, can not pass limit. In addition, a system and a policy to protect design-industry have a problem in effectiveness. Concrete strategies to activate design industry which meets social and cultural circumstances of Daegu and Gyeongbuk region are to establish policy for construction of specialists' infra, systematization of study & development of design, common ownership of information on design, and expansion of design company. The business to upbring design in the region should be operated to develop competitive commodities which is helpful to the regional economy and to increase value of the regional enterprises' brand. In addition, foundation of design should be expanded personal, material, and informational infra through design-centered so that they are helpful to activate economy of Daegu and Gyeongbuk through making design reformational cluster.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.467-485
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• 2011

After Korean War, Korea focused on catching up with the world economy by concentrating on some target industries around the Capital Region and southern coastal cities. Thus, the regional disparity between Capital Region and non-Capital Regions increased drastically. At last, when Korea acquired full-fledged autonomy in 1994 in the Civilian government (1993-1998) and experienced the Asian financial crisis in 1997-1998, local governments were awakened to the notion of region-oriented development, especially for regional industrial development. The purposes of this paper are to introduce regional industrial development policies since 1998 and to suggest some recommendations in terms of how to adjust regional development for industrial policies in the future. In the introducing phase (Kim administration, 1998-2003), four provincial governments requested national funding to raise regional industries that are of strategic importance. At the same time, the central government recognized the need to nurture regional industries to overcome structural weaknesses. As a result, the Roh administration (2003-2008) gave a birth to a systematizing phase. As the ultimate regional policy objective, the balanced national development has been set and the Special Acts, Special Accounts, Committee, and National Plan have been established. Regional Industrial Promotion Project has been carried out very actively during this period. It had a good start albeit idealistic to a certain extent. Therefore, the current government has changed policy paradigm from balanced growth to regional competitiveness along with global paradigm shifts. In order to enhance regional competitiveness, regional development policies have been pursued in more efficient way. Leading Industry Nurturing Projects (LINPs) on Economic Region level, existed Regional Industrial Promotion Projects (RIPPs) on Province level, and Region Specific Industry Projects (RSIPs) on Local Area level have been implemented. Now, it is appropriate to review regional development policies including industrial policies since 1998 and to adjust them for the future sustainable regional development. Because LINPs and RIPPs will be terminated in next two years, the 2nd stage projects are on planning to reduce the redundancies in two projects. In addition, business support program would be reformed from subsiding technology development to building ecological business system. Finally some policy implications are provided in this paper, which is useful to establish the new regional industrial policies for both central and local government.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.10-39
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• 2023

Seongjusa Temple was founded in Boryeong in Chungcheongnam-do Province by Monk Muyeom (800-888), better known as Nanghye Hwasang. After returning from studying in China, Muyeom stayed in the Silla capital city of Gyeongju for a period. He later settled in a temple that was managed by the descendants of Kim In-mun (629-694). He then restored a burned-out temple and opened it in 847 as a Seon (Zen) temple named Seongjusa. It prospered and grew to become a large-scale temple with several halls within its domains. The influence of Seongjusa in the region can be seen in the Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain, which relates that there were seventy-three rooms within the domains of the temple. What is most notable in the record is that the temple is referred to as "栴檀林九間," which means either "a structure with nine rooms built with Chinese juniper wood" or "a place that houses Chinese juniper wood and has nine rooms." Regardless of the interpretation, Seongjusa Temple had a large amount of juniper wood. Around this time, the term "juniper" referred to the olibanum tree (Boswellia sacra) native to the islands of Java and Sumatra in Southeast Asia. It is presumed that at some point after the death of Jang Bogo, the maritime forces that controlled the southwestern coast of Korea may have acquired a large amount of Southeast Asian olibanum wood and offered it to Seongjusa Temple. During the reign of King Munseong, Kim Yang (808-857) patronized Seongjusa Temple and its head monk Muyeom, who enjoyed a lofty reputation in the region. He sought to strengthen his own position as a member of the royal lineage of King Muyeol and create a bridge between the royal family and Seongjusan Buddhist sect. The court of King Wonseong designated Seongjusa Temple as a regional base for the support of royal authority in an area where anti-royal sentiment remained strong. Monk Muyeom is believed to have created an iron Buddha to protect the temple, enlighten the people, and promote regional stability. Given that the Seongjusa community had expanded to include more than 2,000 followers, the iron Buddha at Seongjusa Temple would have been perceived as an image that rallied the local residents. It is assumed that there were two iron Buddhas at Seongjusa Temple. The surviving parts of these Buddhas and the size of their pedestals suggest that they were respectively enshrined in the Geumdang Main Hall and the Samcheonbuljeon Hall of Three Thousand Buddhas. It is presumed that the first iron Buddha in Geumdang was a large statue over two meters in height and the second one was medium-sized with the height over one meter. The Historical Record of Seongjusa Temple on Sungamsan Mountain contains the phrase "改創選法堂五層重閣" which indicates that a multistoried Geumdang was newly built to enshrine a large Buddha sculpture like the first iron Buddha when Seongjusa Temple was founded. Also, according to the Stele of Seongjusa Temple and the surviving finger fragments, the first Buddha was making the fear-not and wish-granting (abhayavarada) mudras. The main Buddha of Seongjusa Temple is possibly Nosana Buddha, just like the main Buddhas at the contemporaneous temples Silsangsa, Borimsa, and Samhwasa. Given that Monk Muyeom studied Hwaeom teachings in his early years and received royal patronage upon his return, it is believed that the retro tendencies of the Hwaeom school, centered on the royal family of the Silla Dynasty, were reflected in Seongjusa temple.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.34-48
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• 1982

1. Production and consumption of chemical fertilizers in Korea could be divided into five different phases of total imports, setting up fertilizer plants, self-sufficiency in production, net export, and diversification in compound fertilizers. Currently the nation has production capacity of 800 thousand M/T of nitrogen, 400 thousand M/T of phosphate ($P_2O_5$) and 200 thousand M/T of potash ($K_2O$). 2. Yearly consumption increased every year, since 1964, 28,000 M/T N, 7,700 M/T $P_2O_5$, and 7,500 M/T $K_2O$ until 1972, when the increase jumped by eight times for $P_2O_5$ and seven times for $K_2O$ for the following 3 years in anticipation of their short supply. Now total consumption has been more or less stabilized at the level of 450 thousand M/T N, 220 thousand M/T $P_2O_5$ and 180 thousand M/T $K_2O$ for the last 7 years. 3. Current operation rate of fertilizer plants is around 80% throughout the whole industry, after going through several different levels depending on demand at times. 4. Fertilizer export started in 1967 and reached a peak of 150 thousand nutrient ton in 1972, about 20% of total production, before temporarily stopping due to over-demand for next three years. The export resumed again in 1976 rise to the all time high of 670 thousand nutrient ton in 1980, almost half of total production, and then started to decline due to higher price of petroleum since then. 5. The decline in fertilizer export appears to be accelerated because several countries, in South-Eastern Asia, traditional export market for Korean fertilizers, started to build their own plants, since 1980, based on their raw materials of especially petroleum. 6. Current consumption in Korea is about 30 nutrient Kg per 10a, equivalent to that in Western European countries, partly due to new high-yielding rice varieties and extensive cultivation of fruit trees and vegetables. Additional fertilizer demand in future can be anticipated in reclaimed land for growing grass and forestry.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.129-137
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• 2008

Alien apple snails (Pomacea canaliculata, Pomacea insularus) used in environmentally-friendly agriculture are different from indigenous snails found in Korea. Due to high herbicidal effects and cost-effectiveness, the number of farmers using the snails has been growing every year since 2000. Moreover, in 2008, because of the outbreaks of avian influenza throughout the country from March to May, 2008, central and local governments recommended the use of alien apple snails in agriculture as an alternative to the ducks-oriented environmentally-friendly agriculture. Therefore, it is expected that the use of alien apple snails in agriculture should be expanded in a near future. Since alien apple snails lay eggs with 95.8% of eclosion rate, they are considered to be potential pests unlike indigenous snails. In addition, Japan, Taiwan and most of the southeast Asian countries had already experienced severe ecological and agricultural damage by the alien apple snails. Subsequently, International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) designated P. canaliculata as one of "the 100 of the world's worst invasive alien species". It seems highly likely that the alien apple snails in Korea pose a potential threat to conservation of ecosystem and biodiversity since the snails were either found or invaded into the natural environments in some regions of Gangwon-Do and southern parts of Korean Peninsula. However, just recently, agricultural authorities and farmers using alien apple snails in agriculture opposed a proposition of designating the alien apple snails as an ecosystem-disturbing animal described by the Wildlife Protection Act. This is because there has been no concrete evidence of the ecological risk imposed by the alien snails up to now in Korea. Subsequently, in this paper, we analysed the ecological and agricultural risks imposed by the alien snails from the studies done in domestic and abroad. In addition, we proposed an urgent need and reasoning for ecological risk management of the alien snails at the national level as well as using the snails in agriculture.