• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.17
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• pp.3-37
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• 2008

In this article, I outlined the archival management system in Early Joseon Dynasty and examined the characteristics of the system. At first, I explained the three aspects of the archival management; the memory of the past, the documentation of the contemporary, and the vision of the future through the documentation. Secondly, I tried to understand the character of the Veritable Record and its compilation by the concepts of archival science such as 'authenticity', 'reliability'. In the memory of the past, the History of a Dynasty(Koryo-Sa) and the Comprehensive History of Eastern Kingdom were included. The arrangement of the past was accompanied with the systematic study of the domestic and foreign histories. At the beginning of the state building, there was many practical need to the experiences of government and social re-construction. It was also the process of the legitimacy establishment of the new dynasty. And the Bureaucracy promoted the development of the records and archival management system because it needed the continuity and evidence of business. The dualistic structure of the records and archival management system was the most unique character of this age. The management of general administrative records was not different from the modern one. But the historical drafts and the compilation of Veritable record were different. Here, I had to examine the characteristics of these procedures by the concept authenticity, reliability, and custodianship. In doing so, I suggested the need of conceptualization of the historical terms such as 'the primary sources' and 'the secondary sources' in historical study. The archival concepts will be the most useful means to that issue. Through the memory of the past and the documentation of the contemporary, they made visions of the future, new vision of the Literati Governance. In this tradition, in spite of the revision of the Veritable records by the new changed political party, both the orignal and the revised remained as the comparative evidence for the future generation in the name of the Black-Red Revised History.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.126-149
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• 2021

The reign of King (later Emperor) Gojong of the Joseon dynasty (later the Korean Empire), which lasted from 1863 to 1907, was a period of turmoil caused by political and social instability at home and military incursions by foreign powers. It was also a period in which Joseon was proclaimed as the Korean Empire and, accordingly, the royal seals of the dynasty underwent a major change. Records show that some 135 seals were produced during the reign of Gojong. The present study of the makers and styles of the royal seals aims to reveal a wealth of information on the seals, which typically had handles in the shape of either a turtle or dragon. Among the seal makers of this era, Jeon Heung-gil was particularly highly regarded as a Golden Royal Seal Artisan (Geumbojang) because he was highly skilled at making both turtle and dragon handles. Kim Eun-seok, a master Jade Royal Seal Artisan (Okbojang), also excelled in the production of turtle and dragon handles for his jade seals. Another master Jade Royal Seal Artisan, Yi Jung-ryeo, is noteworthy because he developed a new style of jade royal seals, which eventually became the dominant style after 1890, when Kim Eun-seok was not active. Furthermore, after the 1890s, his style was also applied to the production of the gold royal seals and developed as the dominant style. Regarding the dragon handles adopted after the proclamation of the Korean Empire, both the golden and the jade royal seals were made in the same style by the same artisans in the service of the Joseon dynasty. They adopted the style of Chinese imperial seals when they began making seals with dragon handles for the Korean Empire, although the basic shapes of both handle and dragon were copied from those made during the Joseon period. As a ceremonial object symbolizing the authority and legitimacy of the royal or imperial family, the style of the royal seals was influenced mainly by changes in the political situation at home and abroad. As Gojong's reign was a period in which more royal seals were made than in the reign of any other ruler, the seals originating from his reign constitute a richer source of information about the efforts of the dynasty to preserve the tradition while effectively dealing with the changes of the new era.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.357-392
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• 2012

An author is bound to reflect his or her own thinking and inclination in his or her works. The previous studies on Changam(蒼巖), however, mostly discussed the aesthetics in the forms of his introductions and works, hardly addressing his thinking reflected in his works. Recognizing that he had the "reactionism tendency" unlike the Bukhak-School(北學派), which was the cultural mainstream of the days, this study examined the specific patterns of the reactionism calligraphy style in his learning and calligraphy processes and works. He loved to write xing-cao-shu(行草書) with a focus on the materials written in one's own calligraphy, but he also emphasized that one should obtain the force of his or her calligraphy style by mastering kai shu before calligraphy xing cao shu. He thus left a lot of works in the xiao kai(小楷) of the Wang Xzhi(王羲之) calligraphy style throughout his life, which is attributed to the influences of the calligraphers of dong-guk-jin-che(東國眞體) in the latter half of Joseon(朝鮮) and those of Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師), his master in spirit. He is distinguished from the other calligraphers of the times in that he made lifelong efforts to compensate for the lacking stroke of the pen in the model calligraphy of Wang Xzhi. In the calligraphy theory, he put importance on the traditional method of Han-Wei(漢魏) and took Cai Yong(蔡邕) and Zhong Yao(鍾繇) as the fundamentals. For da kai(大楷), he constantly practiced the with the stroke of the pen by added to it, the letters of Wei(魏) Wudi(武帝), by Yan Zhenqing(顔眞卿), and letters of Kim Saeng(金生). His late works using the intended conception of and , in particular, present his unique calligraphy style that added the crooked forms of to the shapes of characters of that were in the kai-shu(楷書) style. It is a limitation that a considerable number of calligraphy materials Changam studied or consulted were either reprint copy or block book rather than original rubbing edition due to time and space restrictions. However, it is also true that those restrictions made an important contribution to his creation of his unique calligraphy style with deep local colors at the result of his constant efforts.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.24-48
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• 2022

Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.81-89
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• 2011

The results of tracking the symbolism of plants in the introduction factors of Sokhwa(folk painting) are as the following. 1. The term Sokhwa(俗畵) is not only a type of painting with a strong local customs, but also carries a symbolic meaning and was discovered in "Donggukisanggukjip" of Lee, Gyu-Bo(1268~1241) in the Goryo era as well as the various usage in the "Sok Dongmunseon" in the early Chosun era, "Sasukjaejip" of Gang, Hee-mang(1424~1483), "Ilseongrok(1786)" in the late Chosun era, "Jajeo(自著)" of Yoo, Han-joon(1732~1811), and "Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango(五洲衍文長箋散稿)" of Lee, Gyu-gyung(1788~?). Especially, according to the Jebyungjoksokhwa allegation〈題屛簇俗畵辯證說〉in the Seohwa of the Insa Edition of Ojuyeonmunjangjeonsango, there is a record that the "people called them Sokhwa." 2. Contemporarily, the Korean Sokhwa underwent the prehistoric age that primitively reflected the natural perspective on agricultural culture, the period of Three States that expressed the philosophy of the eternal spirits and reflected the view on the universe in colored pictures, the Goryo Era that religiously expressed the abstract shapes and supernatural patterns in spacein symbolism, and the Chosun Era that established the traditional Korean identity of natural perspective, aesthetic values and symbolism in a complex integration in the popular culture over time. 3. The materials that were analyzed in 1,009 pieces of Korean Sokhwa showed 35 species of plants, 37 species of animals, 6 types of natural objects and other 5 types with a total of 83 types. 4. The shape aesthetics according to the aesthetic analysis of the plants in Sokhwa reflect the primitive world view of Yin/yang and the Five Elements in the peony paintings and dynamic refinement and biological harmonies in the maehwado; the composition aesthetics show complex multi-perspective composition with a strong noteworthiness in the bookshelf paintings, a strong contrast of colors with reverse perspective drawing in the battlefield paintings, and the symmetric beauty of simple orderly patterns in nature and artificial objects with straight and oblique lines are shown in the leisurely reading paintings. In terms of color aesthetics, the five colors of directions - east, west, south, north and the center - or the five basic colors - red, blue, yellow, white and black - are often utilized in ritual or religious manners or symbolically substitute the relative relationships with natural laws. 5. The introduction methods in the Korean Sokhwa exceed the simple imitation of the natural shapes and have been sublimated to the symbolism that is related to nature based on the colloquial artistic characteristics with the suspicion of the essence in the universe. Therefore, the symbolism of the plants and animals in the Korean Sokhwas is a symbolic recognition system, not a scientific recognition system with a free and unique expression with a complex interaction among religious, philosophical, ecological and ideological aspects, as a identity of the group culture of Koreans where the past and the future coexist in the present. This is why the Koran Sokhwa or the folk paintings can be called a cultural identity and can also be interpreted as a natural and folk meaningful scenic factor that has naturally integrated into our cultural lifestyle. However, the Sokhwa(folk paintings) that had been closely related to our lifestyle drastically lost its meaning and emotions through the transitions over time. As the living lifestyle predominantly became the apartment culture and in the historical situations where the confusion of the identity has deepened, the aesthetic and the symbolic values of the Sokhwa folk paintings have the appropriateness to be transmitted as the symbolic assets that protect our spiritual affluence and establish our identity.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.