• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.33
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• pp.85-112
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• 2012

Group for the People without History(GPH) was launched at September 2002 and had worked for around five years with the following purposes; Firstly, GPH collects first-hand data on people's everyday lives based on fieldworks. Secondly, GPH constructs digital archives of the collected data. Thirdly, GPH guarantees the accessibility to the archives for people. And lastly, GPH promotes users to utilize the archived data for the various levels. GPH has influenced on the construction of archives on everyday life history as well as the research areas such as anthropology and social history. What is important is that GPH tried to construct digital archives even before the awareness on archives was not widely spreaded in Korea other than formal sectors. Furthermore, the GPH archives proposed a model of open archives which encouraged the people's participation in and utilization of the archives. GPH also showed the ways in which archived data were used. It had published forty seven books of people's life histories and five photographic books, and held six photographic exhibitions on the basis of the archived data. Though GPH archives had contributed to the ignition of the discussions on archives in various areas as leading civilian archives, it has a few limitations. The most important problem is that the data are vanishing too fast for researchers to collect. It is impossible for researchers to collect the whole data. Secondly, the physical space and hardware for the data storage should be ensured. One of the alternatives to solve the problems revealed in the works of GPH is to construct community archives. Community archives are decentralized archives run by people themselves to preserve their own voices and history. It will guarantee the democratization of archives.

• Journal of Korean Society of Disaster and Security
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.11-21
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• 2019

This study assessed the risk of disaster by using QRE(Quick Risk Estimation - UNISDR Roll Model City of Basic Evaluation Tool) tools for three natural disasters and sixteen social disasters managed by the Seoul Metropolitan Government. The criteria for selecting 19 disaster types in Seoul are limited to disasters that occur frequently in the past and cause a lot of damage to people and property if they occur. We also considered disasters that are likely to occur in the future. According to the results of the QRE tools for disaster type in Seoul, the most dangerous type of disaster among the Seoul city disasters was "suicide accident" and "deterioration of air quality". Suicide risk is high and it is not easy to take measures against the economic and psychological problems of suicide. This corresponds to the Risk ratings(Likelihood ranking score & Severity rating) "M6". In contrast, disaster types with low risk during the disaster managed by the city of Seoul were analyzed as flooding, water leakage, and water pollution accidents. In the case of floods, there is a high likelihood of disaster such as localized heavy rains and typhoons. However, the city of Seoul has established a comprehensive plan to reduce floods and water every five years. This aspect is considered to be appropriate for disaster prevention preparedness and relatively low disaster risk was analyzed. This corresponds to the disaster Risk ratings(Likelihood ranking score & Severity rating) "VL1". Finally, the QRE tool provides the city's leaders and disaster managers with a quick reference to the risk of a disaster so that decisions can be made faster. In addition, the risk assessment using the QRE tool has helped many aspects such as systematic evaluation of resilience against the city's safety risks, basic data on future investment plans, and disaster response.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.465-488
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• 2016

This paper attempts to read in different ways and to interpret newly on Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa in "Sam-guk-yu-sa". Ulsan have held Cheoyong Cultural Festival for 47 times according to "Sam-guk-yu-sa". However, there have been a frequent identity crisis about Cheoyong Cultural Festival because of controversial issue about Cheoyong, This paper interpretate Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa newly to overcome these crisis, Cheoyong's dancing and retreating was not the resignation and tolerance, but the treat and warning, as the dance of Namsansin god of Posukjeong, Buk-acksin god of Keumkangryung and Jisin god of Dongryejeon was the warning of Silla's ruination. 'The Mhang' of Mhang-he-sa temple should be interpreted not as 'watch' but 'fifteen days'. Mhang-he means the roads buried in darkness and vanished had become a sea. The name of Shin-bhang-sa temple means Gae-un-po province of Ulsan had become 'the newly purified region' because of the inspection of King Heon-ghang. The main keyword of Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa is 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung' means to repel the impious and pray the pleasure. The purpose of the personal Gut and national Gut, Narae, was also 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. The reinvented bridal room with a fresh life was like the world of Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. The dance of God Sa-bhang was, as well the desperate desire to New Silla. Cheoyong was a shaman with a superior authority who set up the power to foresee to the god of smallpox. The image of Cheoyong at is not the resignation and tolerance, but the foresight and authority. Therefore, the slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival, the resignation and tolerance, should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. Cheoyong Cultural Festival, have been held for 49times, often had identity problems. The identity of Cheoyong have been misinterpreted as the resignation and tolerance. The slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.489-524
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• 2016

This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.129-163
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• 2016

This study examines processes of cultural introductions and transformations among Korea, China and Japan via focuses on the formative characteristics of nasori(納曾利) masks belonging to komagaku (高麗樂), part of bugaku (舞樂), a Japanese court dance and music. Previous studies of traditional masks in East Asia focus on their dramatic characters and entertaining aspects. On the contrary, it approaches to their origins through the formative characteristics of komagaku nasori masks. Prince of Lanling, the representative togaku passed to Japan, and komagaku nasori perform a pair of toubu (答舞). One formative characteristic between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks is a dangling jaw (吊り顎). Masks having 'he' (へ)-shaped eyes like Japan's okina (翁) masks are characterized by a division (切顎) between the face and jaw, which is as same as the Korean masks. Other common grounds between Prince of Lanling and nasori masks are grotesque ghost faces and concentric double-circled eyes with their outlines painted gold. Concentric double-circled eyes prove that they spread to broader areas before the age of togaku and developed into a variety of divine-animal mask patterns. That Korean masks and nasori masks both have concentric double-circled eyes and dangling jaws is a significant starting point in studying the origin of traditional performing art in East Asia. Japan's bugaku has been passed down in shrines as part of folk religion. However, there exist in Korea no records or examples related to komagaku nasori masks introduced to Japan. This study provides some clues to comparison between Korean masks and komagaku nasori masks by focusing on the formative characteristics of the latter. The researcher suggests a new perspective to nasori mask dance by re-examining earlier Korean studies of the introduction of Daemyeonmu of Prince of Lanling to Japan through Shilla and the assumption of Nasori as Shilla music.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.7-38
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• 2009

This paper attempts to explore the theory of moral leadership in the Great Learning. There are two fundamental contents in the elements of moral leadership's human nature in the Great learning. These are meaning of general principle(綱領指趣) - studying, self cultivation and social authority from rectifying name, and category of concrete learning(學問綱目) - the scheme of manifesting original nature (明德之方) and the scheme of loving the people(親民之方). In this, there are two principles. One is the principle of stage. In the theory of moral leadership of the Great learning, there are stages from self-cultivation to making the world tranquil. The other is the principle of stop at the highest good in manifesting nature and loving the people. In the meaning of general principle, moral leader must have good nature that he or she preforms his or her original nature and accomplishes self-cultivation. For this he or she must learn and study, and endeavors self-polishing. In the category of concrete learning, at first, in the scheme of manifesting original nature, there are investigation things-extending knowledge and making the will sincere-rectifying the mind as the pre conditions of the self-cultivation, and moral leader must carry out harmonization peoples and accomplishing public morals as the result of self-cultivation. The harmonization people means that everyone has equal position and lives with each other in harmony In the scheme of loving the people, there are the connected ethics of self cultivation-regulating the family(修身齊家) and the connected ethics of regulating the family-ordering the state(齊家治國) by effect of self-cultivation.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.145-171
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• 2017

This study aims to clarify the meaning of the Anapji which was one of the scenic places of historical interest during Silla Dynasty and of the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which was one of the greatest seven miracles (Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪) through appearance of the Anapji in poems. Anapji lies its original meanings on Anhaji(安夏池) and then it was shortened to Anji(雁池), apji(鴨池) while Dongho(東湖) has also been called since it is located in the South of Gyeongju. As of July 2011, the Ministry of Culture officially renamed Anapji and Imhaejeon Hall Site(臨海殿址) as the palace of Crown Prince-Gyonegju Donggung(慶州 東宮) and Wolji(月池) (Historical Site No. 18) and Wolji became the current name. While pond was made during Munmu of Silla, the name Anapji did not exist. Kim Si-Seup (1465~1471) in the early Chosun period referred to the pond as Anhaji(安夏池) and its name started being called as Anapji in the Geography of Korea (Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam,(新增東國輿地勝覽)(Jungjong 25, 1530). Though modern scholar states that it was being called Anapji since there are always many ducks and wild geese in the pond, they fails to present the literature evidences. The author found the line in the poem -Anapji composed by writer Kim Chul Woo, which means that a wild duck and water bird get in and off the pond on their own and the record saying which means Dong-ho(東湖) from the phrase of Dongho-saw-sar-gi(東湖書社記) of Lee Su In(李樹仁)(1739-1822)-Confucian Scholar of Gyeongju was created due to the fact that many wild geese and ducks are flying over. Based on the facts foresaid, the literature evidences for the name of Anapji are presented in the paper. Anapji is a combined word between the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which is a flooding weed and Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪). Dong-do-chil-gue is an ancient form of Modern Eight Scenic Views. Eight Scenic Views -Gyeongju Parlgyong is just well-known as scenic places without grotesque elements Dong-do-chil-gue had before. However, the author also found the passage of Ilseongnok: Records of Daily Reflections saying that Anapji has a clod that is as wide as rock(盤石) and the clod also has moneywort on, which are undulating in the wind and clarified how the Anapbupyeong became one of the one of the greatest-seven miracles Dong-do-chil-gue and why the Anapbupyeong frequently appears in the poems of many writers.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.129-162
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• 2017

This article examines the form of hell and the nature of literary works in the late Joseon period. 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' divides a sinner into a man and a woman, and presents a virtue of goodness to a man and an item of evil to a woman. The elements of virtue and malice are both Buddhist ethical norms and Confucian ethical norms. Hell-related novels have common features that emphasize the ethical norms that should be kept in daily life through the causes of hell, though the patterns of punishment and their reasons are slightly different depending on the works. And 'Hoeshimgok(回心曲)' and these works are generally shown by reducing the punishment pixel of hell compared to the cause of hell. This characteristic shows that the literary works of the late Joseon literature related to hell were mainly aimed at providing or educating ethical virtues centered on 'Samgangwol(三綱五倫)' through sanctions of 'Hell' widely known to the general public. The emphasis on Confucian ethics is not limited to works of literature related to hell. In the nineteenth century, when these works were created and circulated, there is a surge in the number of chapters and publications of books for Confucian Indoctrination, Didactic Gasa, and Goodness Books, which emphasize Confucian ethics. Such a strengthening of the Confucian ethical consciousness can be attributed to the crisis of the 19th century Joseon society about the social confusion that threatens the existing system. In particular, the creation and circulation of literary works related to hell in the late Joseon period is related to the dissemination and spread of Catholicism. In the end, the hell shape of the late Joseon literature reflects the crisis of social confusion faced by Joseon society in the nineteenth century. Therefore, it can be said that it has the character of literary response to the prevalent diffusion of Catholicism.