• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.287-306
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• 2016

This paper aims to explain the Korean urbanization, which can be characterized by the development of apartment complexes and new towns, in relation to urban ideology in Korea. In particular, it examines the impacts of the ideological processes of Gangnam-ization on the ways in which 'the urban' has been represented, imagined, aspired, and consumed by the Korean urban middle class in particular ways. For this research, we interviewed 22 urban middle class people living in three important urban centers (Gangnam, Bundang, and Haeundae).

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.8
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• pp.49-56
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• 2006

Urban cmmunity films have achieved the industrial modern society's idiosyncrasy Popular films have achieved the industrial growth through city as the completion of modernization. They also have represented the social meaning of urban space, and have expanded 'their political space' This filmic challenge showed diverse negative factors which were the poor's economical difficulties, the relative robbery of their education and job, and adhered class in city through developing the urban space with were hidden beyond modernity's splendor.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.5
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• pp.127-140
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• 2011

The research described in this report was conducted to find out how elements of the natural environment contributed to the formation of Chang'an, how its water system reinforced its status as the capital city, and what role it took for its urban function based on studies of the canal constructions. During the period of Sui and Tang, Chang'an built a sophisticated water system using Qu(渠), the irrigation facilities. In the water system, hills are called Yuan(原), and rivers with the proper environment to be developed plan into urban infrastructure facilities for irrigation water, urban living water, the composition of garden-based facility, reservoirs, and others. They improve agricultural productivity and, consequently, increase the city's competitiveness as well as contributing to the urban infrastructure, serving as a convenient source and ensuring the quality of life was abundant. So, the urban effects of the water system have raised the capital's status. With the contribution of its pragmatic water system, Chang'an not only performed its urban function brilliantly, but also established itself more firmly as a capital city.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.292-302
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• 2018

This article examines how India's major colonial cities-Madras, Calcutta, Bombay (today, Chennai, Kolkata, Mumbai) and New Delhi- are described in India's history textbooks and analyzed them from the perspective of Indians. It is explained the major colonial cities as the process of making the cities and their political, social, economic and cultural changes, the separation between British and Indian, urban planning, colonial architectures built by British colonial power in Indian history textbooks. The viewpoint of its descriptions is featured by the coexistence of 'deprivation, exclusion, discrimination, resistance, challenge' and 'grant of opportunity, acceptation, absorption'. That is, this characteristic maintains a mutual confrontational and inseparable relation. And in a multi-layer, it enables to consider the inherent characteristics of a colonial city reflecting the British ruling ideology and the society within which the rulers and proprietors are forming without simplifying the cultural characteristics. It is clear that there was a resistance against the unreasonable discrimination and exclusion that had been suffered by the British colonial government as well.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.117-128
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• 2013

This study aims to examine various discourses of the urban landscape discussed in the fields of new cultural geography, spatial political economy, and landscape architecture in order to propose a theoretical framework for the interpretation of a contemporary urban landscape. The notion of landscape is a modern idea that separates humans, especially the bourgeois subject, from nature, and then achieves the visual possession of nature. New cultural geographers have studied the political aspects of landscape. According to them, landscape as materialized discourse is "a way of seeing" which includes the vision of the upper class, the imperialistic view, and the masculine and voyeuristic gaze. In addition, spatial political economists have paid attention to the economic aspects of landscape. They have emphasized that the material production of landscape is indispensable in the production of surplus values in the capitalistic system. Thus, we insist focusing dialectically on both the materiality and ideology of landscape.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.209-214
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the spatial structure of laboring classes in Manchester in the 19th century. Manchester had districts where laboring classes lived in destitution. Elizabeth Gaskell's Mary Barton demonstrates the miserable state of laboring classes by depicting their small, dirty living residential spaces. Engels's The Condition of the Working Class in England analyzes the laboring classes in industrial areas in England, especially Manchester. The laboring classes' districts formed in a set pattern were separated from the area for bourgeois. It lied in the old district near commercial areas, while upper classes were outside areas. It was the dominant ideology that drove the transformation of Manchester as an industrial city characterized by separation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.26-38
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.582-600
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• 2007

In a long history of geography, a variety of regional concepts have been suggested to represent the particular situations in each period. Today, post-modem situations, characterized by the development of capitalism and globalization, demand a new variety of regional concepts. The regional characteristics, such as social relations, institutional systems, ideologies and symbolism, are now perceived basically on the level of subjectivity. Currently, it is the most urgent task to integrate many conflicting opinions among a variety of subjects into the one that would seek a voluntary consent from the majority of regional residents. In this paper, it is suggested that the concept of identity is the most efficient in examining and explaining the post-modem trend of a region: variability, subjectivity, mobility, changeability, Finally, it is suggested that a special attention should be paid to the role of institutions, that is institutionalization, in the construction of regional identity, to understand and interpret the cultural-historical aspect of a regional change.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.295-324
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• 2016

This essay attempts a contrapuntal reading of Thomas More's Utopia. Contrapunctual reading, proposed by Edward Said. attempts to make a text speak across temporal, cultural, and ideological boundaries to a topic of present. I examine two opposite readings of Utopia around 2011 by both pro- and anti-Occupy Wall Street positions. On the one hand, the opponents of Occupy find its limits as a utopian social movement echoing in the fictional character of Hythrodaeus and the alternative society verbally sketched by him in Book Two of Utopia. On the other, Occupy's advocates read More's text as embodying its radial possibility. However, each shares the tendency to denounce Book Two, praising Book One in which Hythrodaeus vehemently criticizes England; they read Hythrodaeus not as an utopian idealist but as a social critic. The Occupy, as a result, is seen here as having an ambivalent relationship to utopianism. I reinterpret the radical possibilities of Book Two criticized by both pro- and anti-Occupy invocations of Utopia. Book Two provides a utopian space in which the existing social contradictions are cancelled, revealing the limits of the three partial utopias proposed at the end of Book One. Following Louis Marin's argument, I argue, the "utopic" space does not lie in the so-called ideal society described in the text but in the inconsistencies between the text's description(discourse) and topography(map). In Book Two the existence of a king is described, yet his space is not found in the topography of utopia; likewise market is described as existing at the center of a city, yet its space is not found either. These inconsistencies create a neutral space in which the ideological contradictions of the text are cancelled, and the space opens up the possibility of communal society beyond modern sovereign power and capitalism I argue this utopian dream needs to be summoned once again in our time as a compelling alternative to the corporate, capitalist order.