• Title/Summary/Keyword: 도(道)

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Confucian Moral Principles and Kant's Categorical Imperative (유가의 도덕원리와 칸트)

  • Lim, Heon-gyu
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.29
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    • pp.125-152
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    • 2010
  • The main purpose of this dissertation is a introductive proposal to reconstruct confucian moral principles. The most classical question in moral principles is : what is the good. In order to reconstruct confucian moral principles, this dissertation begin with question of what is the good in confucian moral principles. Confucianism believe in reality of the human good mind and good nature. Confucian the human good mind and good nature is comprised of benevolence, righteousness, propriety and wisdom. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety and wisdom(四德) is the origin of morality. Confucian's moral principles of human relationship is none other than conscientiousness and altruism. Conscientiousness is a principle of self-cultivation and self-revelation. As to altruism, confucious said, "the man of perfect virtue, wishing to be established himself", or "do not impose on others what you do not desire others to impose upon you." Altruism is rectified as a principle of reciprocity methodology of the making of whole kingdom peaceful in The Great Learning. Confucian golden rule(conscientiousness and altruism is equal to Kantian categorical imperative in The Fundamental principles of Metaphysics of Ethics. : Act only on that maxim through which you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law ... etc. Kant's three principles of moral philosophy(Categorical Imperatives) imply that the idea of universality, freedom, and the kingdom of ends. We contrast confucian moral principles with Kant's three principles of Categorical Imperatives. In conclusion, confucian moral principles implicate Kant's principle of universalizability and impartiality.

On the Problem of Virtue in Confucian and Neoconfucian Philosophy (유학 및 신유학 철학에서의 덕의 문제)

  • Gabriel, Werner
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.50
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    • pp.89-120
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    • 2013
  • The concept of virtue seems to be one of the rare cases where the European and the Chinese traditions coincide. The meaning of the Latin word virtus and of Greek $aret{\acute{e}}$ seems to be similar to the Chinese $d{\acute{e}}$德. Most striking in virtue is that it is a capacity for self-realisation through action which is unique to man. On the other hand, there is something physical about it. It is the strength to do something. This strength overcomes the resistance of what is naturally given, it transforms the world, turns the natural world into a human one. In the Chinese tradition, $d{\acute{e}}$ 德, i.e. virtue, is therefore always connected with $da{\grave{o}}$ 道, the totality of natural forces. In the Chinese tradition, as opposed to the European one, virtue is itself considered to be a natural force that is present in man. This force sustains man's connectedness, unity and harmony with the surrounding world. Things exist through the unity of principle理 and ether氣. But the knowledge of this unity is due to principle. Moral and legal norms are shifted totally to the sphere of principle. Therefore their have found the final dissolution from a heroic models. Above all the classical Confucians, but also the other schools, would reply to this that there is nothing more precise than a concrete successful action. Its result fits the world perfectly. The difference is due to the differing interest of ethical thought. In the case of the Confucians the path is more direct. The actor establishes a precise pattern for other actions. Education therefore lies in detailed knowledge about forms of behaviour, not so much in conceptual differentiation. It is quite possible that generalisation may be a methodical prerequisite for success in this endeavour. That problem, too, is discussed. But the success of conceptualisation lies in the successful performance of individual actions, not in shaping actions in accordance with normative concepts.

Taoism in Ancient China from the Perspective of T'ien(天) (중국고대 천관에서 본 도가의 사상)

  • Lim, Chung-gi
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.139
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    • pp.191-211
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    • 2016
  • This study evaluates the flow of Taoism in the change of knowledge that accompany the passage of time beyond school-centered studies. In particular, it is to understand the Tao(道) and T'ien(天) of "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" in the thought of T'ien at the time. The thought of T'ien at that time was based on the T'ien in "Mencius". There are two meanings of T'ien in "Mencius", and also of T'ien in "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$". This study examins that idea that the T'ien in "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" were influenced by the thought of T'ien in "Mencius". It also reveals the T'ien theory of Wang Ch'ung(王充) which is influenced by Taoism. Also, in the course of examining the relation of T'ien theory of Wang Ch'ung with T'ien theories of "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$", it is more embodied that T'ien theories of "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" were affected by the previous T'ien theories. Furthermore, the meanings of Tao in "Lao $Tz{\check{u}}$" and "Chuang $Tz{\check{u}}$" are revealed.

Arbuscular mycorrhizal spores found from the soils of the leguminous plants in Korea (두과식물에서 발견된 내생균근 포자들)

  • Ahn, Tae-kun;Lee, Min-Woog;Ka, Kang-Hyeon;Lee, Sang-Sun
    • The Korean Journal of Mycology
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    • v.20 no.2
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    • pp.95-108
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    • 1992
  • Sixty five soil specimens were collected from the nineteen leguminous plant roots throughout 9 sites in four Provinces from Augast 12 to November 21, 1991. VA-mycorrhizal spores isolated from the collected soils were identified and classified into four genera 21 species. However, six spores were newly found and described here: Acaulospora elegans, A. undulata, Glomus laminated spores of. macrocarpus var. macrocarpus, Gl. WUMI%3, Gl. scintillans, Scutellospora verrucosa. Species of three spores that belong to 3 genera; Acaulospora sp., Glomus sp., Scutellospora sp. were unidentified.

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A Study on the Alighieri Dante's La Divina Commedia focused on Wuwei-ziran & Humanism in Length animation '9' (단테의 신곡으로 본 장편애니메이션 '9'의 무위자연과 인본주의 연구)

  • Park, Yoon-sung
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.15 no.1
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    • pp.435-441
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    • 2017
  • In this study, through the Wuwei-ziran of Alighieri Dante's La Divina Commedia & Humanism and Chuang-tzu, revealed in the full-length animation '9' reflecting the loss of humanity and the recovery and the artististic consciousness of producing animation with a new world view, It is an animation case analysis that restores humanity and awakens the inside of human being. Wuwei-ziran of Chuang-tzu is a way of life which helps humans to flow through relation and coordination. Wuwei-ziran is a way of life of dharma where all things are harmonized by the subjective self It is the beginning.

Yeoheon's Spirit of Humanities and the Genealogy of his Prose (여헌(旅軒)의 인문(人文) 정신(精神)과 산문(散文)의 계보(系譜))

  • Ahn, Se-hyun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.41
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    • pp.61-90
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    • 2010
  • In this paper, I focused on analyzing Yeoheon Chang Hyeon-gwang's literary theory and his prose in the genealogy of Confucian scholars in Chosun. Through this study, I would like to examine the trend of concentrating on 16th century when we treat the literary tendency of Confucian scholars. With this goal, I tried to seek the direction which was pursued by Confucian scholars who lived during the 17th century. Yeoheon tried to construct the spirit of humanities cosmically as an aim of his life, study, and literature. And he had a new understanding of human independence by suffering from Japanese invasion in the late of 16th century. He insisted that only human can realize the spirit of humanities on a cosmic base. He also thought that the morality(道) could be settled only by literature(文). We may interpret this concept as a progressive idea about literature comparing to the former Confucian scholars. On the other hands, Yeoheon tried to accept the literary theory of former scholars such like Park Young, Cho Sik, and Seong Woon who embraced Taoism. Yet he erased the color of Taoism in the field of topic, and he also tried to keep his distance from them in the field of literary form. This concept actually came from Lee Hwang's opinion, while Yeoheon tried to rouse scholar's independence. Through above, we may realize that the Confucian scholars of 17th century were not just imitators of 16th century. They tried to examine the former study and also tried to renew the theory.

Han Wonjin's Criticism of Kim Changhyup's Theory of Jigak (남당 한원진의 김창협 지각론 비판)

  • Yi, Sunyuhl
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.36
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    • pp.43-74
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    • 2013
  • This paper aims to analyse Han Wonjin's criticism centered on Kim Changhyup's theory of Jigak(知覺). In the early 18th century, Kim Changhyup whose position considered as the leader of Rakhak(洛學) circle was the central figure in the debate on the controversial subject of Jigak. Han Wonjin as an opinion leader of Hohak(湖學)'s legacy was required to argue with his counterpart in order to establish his circle's standpoint. The main issue they discussed was the relationship between Ji(智) and Jigak. Kim contends that Ji and Jigak belong to different categories, and that the substance-function(體用) relation cannot be applied to them. According to him, the relation between Ji and Jigak is that of Do(道) and Gi(器). Similarly, the relation between Sim(心) and Sung(性) is that of subject and object. He also maintains that Jigak is not the phenomenalized mode of Ji, but the innate capability that employs Sung as the source of morality and turns it into feelings. In contrast, Han argues that Ji, as a ontological foundation of Jigak, is what enables Jigak to be a moral activity. In criticizing Kim Changhyup, Han maintains that if one denies the relation between Ji and Jigak, then one would have to characterize Jigak as a blind function with no moral sense. If one admits Jigak can have moral contents on its own without the connection with Ji, then one would have to allow two moral foundation, which leads one's idea into heretical beliefs. Han holds that Jigak can a moral function only when it is grounded upon Ji. In conclusion, Han emphasizes Ji as the base of Jigak that enables Jigak to realize morality while Kim emphasizes the role of Jigak as the principal agent of moral activity.

A Review on the Background of Takjok(濯足; Washing Feet) and the Landscape Architectual Meaning of Its Cultural Phenomenon - Focused on Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊) Shown on Poetry, Prose, and Painting - (탁족(濯足)의 배경과 그 문화현상에 담긴 조경적 의미 - 시문과 그림에 나타난 탁족지유(濯足之遊)를 중심으로 -)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Seo, Hyo-Seog;Choi, Jong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.6
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    • pp.72-83
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    • 2013
  • This study suggests the necessity of landscaping alternatives for the succession of Takjok(濯足) culture by considering the background and meaning of Takjok's cultural phenomenon shown in old literatures and paintings and its result is as follows. An old idiom, 'Takyoung Takjok(濯纓濯足)' implying a disinterested living attitude from the mundane world and an attitude complying with nature, has been sublimated to 'Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊)' which means living in comfortable retirement through life in seclusion(隱逸). Classical scholars immerse their feet in soft-flowing(柔軟) water for 'Mulailche(物我一體; synchronized with nature)' which is a unified condition with 'Do(道; truth)' and connected to the stage of 'Yu(遊)', a free mental state, and its nature. The cultural phenomenon of Takjok appeared in the inherited landscape paintings in the Joseon dynasty period after the late stage of Koryo. Takjok shown in 'Pal Kyung Shi'(八景詩; poetry singing for the eight scenary) was described as not a transcendent scene, but as a scenery of daily life. Dense forest and water, such as a stream with clean water, rocks, and pine trees shown in Takjok paintings have been symbolized as a seclusion space for classical scholars with higher thinking and their mental states have been more emerged. Mental pleasures called as seclusion and Takjokjiyu have been relatively emphasized in the Takjok paintings of the Joseon Dynasty period contrary to the Chinese Takjok paintings emphasizing Chung Gye(淸溪; clean stream) and Chang Rang(滄浪; high and clean wave) and strongly representing the image of 'Chung Ryu'(淸流; clean flowing water) and the veneration for antiquity. The view of nature described in the Takjok paintings represents the provision of nature as a situation and attitudes of classical scholars and implies a Taoism perspective which describes the 'do' of nature. This view of nature itself remained intact(無爲自然) with the love of mountains and water, showing a side of the zeitgeist and aesthetic consciousness of China and Joseon. The 'Takjokjiyu' of both countries has be interpreted as a symbol of personality development, behavior, life in seclusion, or transcending the mundane world and has also been accepted as a method of summer vacation in the real world. It should be considered that Takjok includes ordinary people's wisdom to resist the hot weather, as well as the classical scholar's ideal and the veneration of antiquity. From this perspective, water space, Takjok rocks, and the use of water based on the environmental supportability should be newly focused as a recreational space and it reminds us that the spirit of Takjok is a classical mental healing method.

A Study on the differentiation and development aspects of Zhu-zi xue - centering around the connection between Huang Gan and Jin-hua school in Yuan period (주자학의 사상적 분화와 전개양상에 관한 연구 - 황간(黃?)과 원대(元代) 금화학파(金華學派)의 사상적 연관성을 중심으로 -)

  • Chi, Chun-ho
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.23
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    • pp.317-347
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    • 2008
  • Huang Gan(1152 - 1220, pen-name Mian-zhai) was a famous scholar of Zhu-zi xue in the Southern Song period. Zhu-zi xue was also called Daoxue(道學), because it was based on the Cheng-Zhu xue(程朱學) and had very severe idea of Daotong(道統). Therefore, Zhu-zi xue emphasized practical movements of spreading Confucianism. The view of the Daotong(道統) developed in two aspects: protection of Confucianism and exclusion of Daoism Buddhism. Zhu Xi completed the idea of Daotong(道統), and his disciples, especially Huang Gan, continued his efforts. Zhu Xi's disciples searched the ultimate teaching of Confucianism through studying Four-books(四書). In due of their effort, Zhu-zi xue played a reading role in those academic fields. Huang Gan look upon himself as the successor to Zhu-zi xue. He expounded and missionized Zhu Xi's philosophical thought. In his later years, he accepted many students and passed the Zhu Xi's thought on to his students. He fostered "Jin-hua school(金華學派)"-He Ji(何基), the representative of this school. There is the relation of thought on the theory of knowledge and learning centering around Daotong between Huang Gan and Jin-hua school(金華學派). Especially, the most schools leading the academic society of Yuan period founded their thought on Huang Gan's. And it explained Huang Gan's historical influence and contributions to the Zhu-zi xue in the Yuan period.

A Study on Applications and Cases of Achievement Royalty System (성공기술료 제도의 적용 사례 연구)

  • Han, Jeong-Sook;Kim, Hyun-Oh
    • Journal of Technology Innovation
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.181-198
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    • 2012
  • Gyeonggi-Do launched the 'Achievement Royalty System(ARS)' in 2011 to promote the refund of excess profits from those firms to local system. The purpose of this study aims to analyze the effect of new royalty system in the public R&D program. From the analysis, commercially successful firms appear to have maintained the same level of innovation incentives even after introduction of ARS. It can be explained that they have given a priority in taking part in the next R&D projects as well as a benefit of systematic supports in technology commercialization and marketing. It is, therefore, fully expected that the policy makers can make ARS an additional funding source in the period of decreasing S&T budget, and have a better chance to gather evidences of successful policy practices to the firms. However, the institutional improvements are required to develop the ARS, which include the incentives of ARS payment and the lower total royalty expectation through the reduction of fix-payment ratio and the exemption of ARS.

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