• Title/Summary/Keyword: 덕성

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A Study of the Concept of God in Daesoon Thought: Focusing on the Concept of God, Divine Beings, and the Divine Dao as Depicted in the I Ching (대순사상의 신 개념에 관한 연구 - 『주역』의 신·신명·신도 개념을 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Chi-bong
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.28
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    • pp.267-302
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    • 2017
  • This study aims to understand the concept of God in Daesoon thought through gods, divine beings, and divine Dao as they are featured in the I Ching. This study also explores analysis by dividing the 'one' from the I Ching into personal subject, metaphysical and fundamental marvel, innate divinity and morality of human beings as being among various concepts of god. Among the terms regarding god, divine Dao is especially clear in its depiction of this concept. In this context, the study looks closely at the characteristics of the concept of God. The divine Dao is actually an order that has been spread throughout the world by Sangje's will and the gods are endowed with His mandate. Through such order, the divine Dao leads to the Dao of divinely empowered humans by the Great Dao of mutual beneficence and natural solution. Divinely empowered humans is a concept which corresponds to the idea that 'Divine affairs are akin to those of humans.' Divine beings have human will and feelings in the afterlife, and due to their close relationship to human beings, they exercise an influence over human beings. They have human will and feelings while alive as well. In addition, they also have grievances and grudges. Such grievances and grudges can be resolved by mutual beneficence. And the divine affairs and activities move in accordance with Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate), Sangje's will, and the divine Dao. Therefore, it is a principle that divine beings should obey and an operational law in theonomy. Sangje's divine Dao and heavenly mandate accord with the Great Ultimate and are thereby revealed. Natural solutions can be reached when Divine beings and human beings gain awareness of this truth. To realize the divine Dao, humans and divine beings should practice the dao of benevolence, justice, propriety, wisdom, and they should rely on one another. Furthermore, this is done to accomplish the dao of heaven and earth.

Anti-wrinkle effects of solvent fractions from Jubak on CCD-986sk (CCD-986sk 세포 내 주박 분획물의 항주름 효능)

  • Young-Ah Jang;Hyejeong Lee
    • Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.508-519
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    • 2024
  • In this study, in order to evaluate the possibility of using Jubak as a functional cosmetic material, evaluation of antioxidant activity according to fractions and anti-wrinkle efficacy in CCD-986sk cells, a human fibroblast, were conducted. As a result of confirming the antioxidant activity by measuring ABTS+ radical scavenging ability, Jubak's Ethyl Acetate fractions was found to be 75.5% at a concentration of 1,000 ㎍/ml, showing the highest antioxidant activity among the extraction solvents. The wrinkle improvement effect was confirmed by measuring the inhibitory activity of elastase and collagenase, and in both test results, Jubak's Ethyl Acetate fractions showed the highest efficacy at a concentration of 1,000 ㎍/ml. As a result of measuring the synthesis rate of pro-collagen type I in CCD-986sk cells induced by UVB, Jubak showed the highest efficacy in the order of Ethyl Acetate, Water, Acetonitrile, and Hexan fractions at the same concentration of 20 ㎍/ml. As a result of measuring the inhibition rate of MMP-1, a collagen degrading enzyme, all four solvent fractions showed an efficacy of more than 70% at 20 ㎍/ml. As a result of measuring the mRNA expression levels of pro-collagen type I, MMP-1, and MMP-3 in a real-time PCR experiment, the protein expression level of pro-collagen type I increased when treated with Jubak fractions compared to the UVB group alone. The mRNA expression levels of MMP-1 and MMP-3 were confirmed to be decreased, and Ethyl Acetate fractions was the most effective in improving wrinkles after the control group (EGCG). As a result, it was confirmed that the Ethyl Acetate fractions among Jubak's solvent fractions has an anti-wrinkle effect against photoaging caused by UVB stimulation, and is expected to be used as a natural material for cosmetics.

Thinking in Terms of East-West Contacts through Spreading Process of Sarmathia-Pattened Scabbard on Tillya-Tepe Site in Afghanistan (아프가니스탄 틸랴 테페의 사르마티아(Sarmathia)식 검집 패용 방식의 전개 과정으로 본 동서교섭)

  • Lee, Song Ran
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.4
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    • pp.54-73
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    • 2012
  • In this article, we examined the patterns of activities of the Sarmathians though in a humble measure, with a focus on the regions where the Sarmathian sheaths spreaded. One of the main weapons the mounted nomads like the Scythias, the Sarmathians, and the Alans used at war was a spear. Though complementary, a sword was the most convenient and appropriate weapon when fighting at a near distance, fallen from the horse to the ground. The Sarmathian swords continued the tradition of the Akinakes which the Scythias or the Persians used, but those of the Sarmathians showed some advances in terms of the easiness with which a sword was drawn out from a sheath, and the way the sheaths were worn to parts of a human body. It turns out that the Sarmathian sheaths, which were designed for the people to draw swords easily, having the sheaths attached to thighs through 4 bumps, spread extensively from Pazyryk, Altai, to South Siberia, Bactria, Parthia and Rome. The most noteworthy out of all the Sarmathian sheaths were the ones that were excavated from the 4th tomb in Tillatepe, Afghanistan which belonged to the region of Bactria. The owner of the fourth tomb of Tilla-tepe whose region was under the control of Kushan Dynasty at that time, was buried wearing Sarmathian swords, and regarded as a big shot in the region of Bactria which was also under the governance of Kushan Dynasty. The fact that the owner of the tomb wore two swords suggests that there had been active exchange between Bactria and Sarmathia. It seemed that the reason why the Sarmathians could play an important role in the exchange between the East and the West might have something to do with their role of supplying Chinese goods to Silk Road. That's why we are interested in how the copper mirrors of Han Dynasty, decoration beads like melon-type beads, crystal beads and goldring articulated beads, and the artifacts of South China which produced silks were excavated in the northern steppe route where the Sarmathians actively worked. Our study have established that the eye beads discovered in Sarmathian tomb estimated to have been built around the 1st century B.C. were reprocessed in China, and then imported to Sarmathia again. We should note the Huns as a medium between the Sarmathians and the South China which were far apart from each other. Thus gold-ring articulated beads which were spread out mainly across the South China has been discovered in the Huns' remains. On the other hand, between 2nd century B.C. and 2nd century A.D. which were main periods of the Sarmathians, it was considered that the traffic route connecting the steppe route and the South China might be West-South silk road which started from Yunnan, passed through Myanmar, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and then went into the east of India. The West-south Silk road is presumed to have been used by nomadic tribes who wanted to get the goods from South China before the Oasis route was activated by the Han Dynasty's policy of managing the countries bordering on Western China.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.