• Title/Summary/Keyword: 덕성

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Buddhist Sculpture of Late Silla and Early Goryeo Period at Myeongju and the Gulsan School of Seon Buddhism (명주지역 나말여초 불교조각과 굴산선문)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.54-71
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    • 2012
  • This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

Thought of ChunChu and a practical solution of Song Joon Kil (동춘당 송준길의 춘추정신과 현실 대응)

  • Kim, Moon Joon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.50
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    • pp.37-74
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    • 2016
  • Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.

A Discussion on the Establishment of a New Interdisciplinary Convergence Major(Lifelong Education for Disabled) based on Special Education, Rehabilitation Science, and Social Welfare at Daegu University (대구대학교 특수교육-재활과학-사회복지 기반 학제 간 융합전공(장애인평생교육) 신설 논의)

  • Kim, Young-Jun;Kim, Wha-Soo;Rhee, Kun-Yong
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.147-156
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study was to review various grounds and plans for the establishment of a convergence major in lifelong education for the disabled based on Daegu University, which establishes its status and identity as a base university for education and welfare for the disabled. Lifelong education for the disabled reflects the specificity of disability in common because it targets disabled learners, but since it constitutes two perspectives and characteristics of education and welfare, access to interdisciplinary convergence research in disabled-related fields is important. In the above dimension, Daegu University has an appropriate foundation to lead lifelong education for the disabled in Korea through various academic and practice-based infrastructures, and has sufficient leadership to improve the practical limitations of the lifelong education support system for the disabled. Accordingly, this study presented measures and related grounds to reflect lifelong education for the disabled in order to establish an interdisciplinary convergence major at Daegu University through literature review and expert advice. It was emphasized that lifelong education for the disabled, viewed as a new interdisciplinary convergence major, should be activated through professional competencies commonly accessible to the three fields rather than applied from a priority perspective between special education, rehabilitation science, and social welfare. As a result of the study, it was suggested that Korea, which failed to establish a lifelong education support system for the disabled, should gradually spread and spread to other universities starting with Daegu University's application model and plan. In addition, the necessity of systematically establishing a qualification development path for lifelong education professionals for the disabled through agreement between the three fields was also suggested.

On the (Un-)Possibility of a Labor Film in the Early Period of Democratization -A Study of Guro Arirang (민주화 초기 노동자 영화의 (불)가능성 -<구로아리랑> 연구)

  • Oh, Ja-Eun
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
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    • v.26 no.4
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    • pp.9-41
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    • 2020
  • Park Jong-won's debut film "Guro Arirang," based on a short story of the same title by Lee Moon-yeol, is the first commercial film to deal with labor struggles from a worker's point of view in the wake of the 1987 democratic movement, and a pioneering work in terms of representing female workers the Korean cinema has traditionally turned away from. In this film Park Jong-won tried to win the sympathy of the middle class for labor movement in spite of the red scare which still stood firm in the Korean society at that time. To convey its progressive message in a form acceptable to the middle class public, the film portrays labor issues in the light of universal humanity and ethics, not in terms of class hostility or struggle. Park Jong-won calls this point of view "common sense of normal people" and emphasizes its universality and objectivity. This study critically examines the cinematic strategies to deal with labor issues in a form acceptable to the public in a conventional and commercial film and the ideological implications of the "common sense of normal people" reflected in such strategies. The first chapter of the study reveals that the film destroys the irony of the original story and reduces the complex constellation of the characters to the conflict between pure good and evil, creating a melodramatic composition in which the good falls victim to evil. The tragedies suffered by the workers in the film are of course intended to arouse the audience's strong sympathy and solidarity with them. The second chapter shows that the film's various scenes and episodes converge on the them of compassion and grief, and are mostly based on cultural and real experiences and events that caused great public sensations at that time. Especially in the last decisive scene of the movie, the memory of the June 1987 uprising is strongly recalled. So "Guro Arirang" can be seen as a patchwork of proven cases of compassion and grief. The third chapter examines the implications of the scene where the workers turn back demands for wages and put the issues of human treatment and trust to the forefront at the crucial moment of their struggle. It appeals to universal moral values and sentiments that everyone has to acknowledge and removes the political dimension from the workers' campaign. While the film tends to become a pure story of humanity marginalizing irreconcilable conflicts of class interest, the workers fall to the position of passive victims who can be deeply sympathetic on the one hand, and on the other, are idealized as leaders with noble attitude keeping themselves aloof from the hard reality. As a result, the movie loses its realistic ground and weakens its narrative probability. The scenes reminiscent of the 1987 uprising which evoke the solidarity between working and middle class fail to integrate harmoniously into the whole story of the film and remain only as fragmentary parts of the patchwork of compassion and grief.

A Study of the Concept of God in Daesoon Thought: Focusing on the Concept of God, Divine Beings, and the Divine Dao as Depicted in the I Ching (대순사상의 신 개념에 관한 연구 - 『주역』의 신·신명·신도 개념을 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Chi-bong
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.28
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    • pp.267-302
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    • 2017
  • This study aims to understand the concept of God in Daesoon thought through gods, divine beings, and divine Dao as they are featured in the I Ching. This study also explores analysis by dividing the 'one' from the I Ching into personal subject, metaphysical and fundamental marvel, innate divinity and morality of human beings as being among various concepts of god. Among the terms regarding god, divine Dao is especially clear in its depiction of this concept. In this context, the study looks closely at the characteristics of the concept of God. The divine Dao is actually an order that has been spread throughout the world by Sangje's will and the gods are endowed with His mandate. Through such order, the divine Dao leads to the Dao of divinely empowered humans by the Great Dao of mutual beneficence and natural solution. Divinely empowered humans is a concept which corresponds to the idea that 'Divine affairs are akin to those of humans.' Divine beings have human will and feelings in the afterlife, and due to their close relationship to human beings, they exercise an influence over human beings. They have human will and feelings while alive as well. In addition, they also have grievances and grudges. Such grievances and grudges can be resolved by mutual beneficence. And the divine affairs and activities move in accordance with Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate), Sangje's will, and the divine Dao. Therefore, it is a principle that divine beings should obey and an operational law in theonomy. Sangje's divine Dao and heavenly mandate accord with the Great Ultimate and are thereby revealed. Natural solutions can be reached when Divine beings and human beings gain awareness of this truth. To realize the divine Dao, humans and divine beings should practice the dao of benevolence, justice, propriety, wisdom, and they should rely on one another. Furthermore, this is done to accomplish the dao of heaven and earth.

Anti-wrinkle effects of solvent fractions from Jubak on CCD-986sk (CCD-986sk 세포 내 주박 분획물의 항주름 효능)

  • Young-Ah Jang;Hyejeong Lee
    • Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.508-519
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    • 2024
  • In this study, in order to evaluate the possibility of using Jubak as a functional cosmetic material, evaluation of antioxidant activity according to fractions and anti-wrinkle efficacy in CCD-986sk cells, a human fibroblast, were conducted. As a result of confirming the antioxidant activity by measuring ABTS+ radical scavenging ability, Jubak's Ethyl Acetate fractions was found to be 75.5% at a concentration of 1,000 ㎍/ml, showing the highest antioxidant activity among the extraction solvents. The wrinkle improvement effect was confirmed by measuring the inhibitory activity of elastase and collagenase, and in both test results, Jubak's Ethyl Acetate fractions showed the highest efficacy at a concentration of 1,000 ㎍/ml. As a result of measuring the synthesis rate of pro-collagen type I in CCD-986sk cells induced by UVB, Jubak showed the highest efficacy in the order of Ethyl Acetate, Water, Acetonitrile, and Hexan fractions at the same concentration of 20 ㎍/ml. As a result of measuring the inhibition rate of MMP-1, a collagen degrading enzyme, all four solvent fractions showed an efficacy of more than 70% at 20 ㎍/ml. As a result of measuring the mRNA expression levels of pro-collagen type I, MMP-1, and MMP-3 in a real-time PCR experiment, the protein expression level of pro-collagen type I increased when treated with Jubak fractions compared to the UVB group alone. The mRNA expression levels of MMP-1 and MMP-3 were confirmed to be decreased, and Ethyl Acetate fractions was the most effective in improving wrinkles after the control group (EGCG). As a result, it was confirmed that the Ethyl Acetate fractions among Jubak's solvent fractions has an anti-wrinkle effect against photoaging caused by UVB stimulation, and is expected to be used as a natural material for cosmetics.

Thinking in Terms of East-West Contacts through Spreading Process of Sarmathia-Pattened Scabbard on Tillya-Tepe Site in Afghanistan (아프가니스탄 틸랴 테페의 사르마티아(Sarmathia)식 검집 패용 방식의 전개 과정으로 본 동서교섭)

  • Lee, Song Ran
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.4
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    • pp.54-73
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    • 2012
  • In this article, we examined the patterns of activities of the Sarmathians though in a humble measure, with a focus on the regions where the Sarmathian sheaths spreaded. One of the main weapons the mounted nomads like the Scythias, the Sarmathians, and the Alans used at war was a spear. Though complementary, a sword was the most convenient and appropriate weapon when fighting at a near distance, fallen from the horse to the ground. The Sarmathian swords continued the tradition of the Akinakes which the Scythias or the Persians used, but those of the Sarmathians showed some advances in terms of the easiness with which a sword was drawn out from a sheath, and the way the sheaths were worn to parts of a human body. It turns out that the Sarmathian sheaths, which were designed for the people to draw swords easily, having the sheaths attached to thighs through 4 bumps, spread extensively from Pazyryk, Altai, to South Siberia, Bactria, Parthia and Rome. The most noteworthy out of all the Sarmathian sheaths were the ones that were excavated from the 4th tomb in Tillatepe, Afghanistan which belonged to the region of Bactria. The owner of the fourth tomb of Tilla-tepe whose region was under the control of Kushan Dynasty at that time, was buried wearing Sarmathian swords, and regarded as a big shot in the region of Bactria which was also under the governance of Kushan Dynasty. The fact that the owner of the tomb wore two swords suggests that there had been active exchange between Bactria and Sarmathia. It seemed that the reason why the Sarmathians could play an important role in the exchange between the East and the West might have something to do with their role of supplying Chinese goods to Silk Road. That's why we are interested in how the copper mirrors of Han Dynasty, decoration beads like melon-type beads, crystal beads and goldring articulated beads, and the artifacts of South China which produced silks were excavated in the northern steppe route where the Sarmathians actively worked. Our study have established that the eye beads discovered in Sarmathian tomb estimated to have been built around the 1st century B.C. were reprocessed in China, and then imported to Sarmathia again. We should note the Huns as a medium between the Sarmathians and the South China which were far apart from each other. Thus gold-ring articulated beads which were spread out mainly across the South China has been discovered in the Huns' remains. On the other hand, between 2nd century B.C. and 2nd century A.D. which were main periods of the Sarmathians, it was considered that the traffic route connecting the steppe route and the South China might be West-South silk road which started from Yunnan, passed through Myanmar, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and then went into the east of India. The West-south Silk road is presumed to have been used by nomadic tribes who wanted to get the goods from South China before the Oasis route was activated by the Han Dynasty's policy of managing the countries bordering on Western China.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.