• Korean Security Journal
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• no.17
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• pp.53-68
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to investigate about security service history as enlightenment period from the provisional government to 1920s. This study used materials by historical facts for the regulations and books in provisional government, newspapers in 1920s. There are four parts conclusion of this study: police department of provisional government, security service agency in the provisional government, security service agents of an independence movement, the general society of Korea. Firstly, Kim Gu, a prominent Korean nationalist leader, was understand of security service which was to protect provisional government from the enemy. So, Kim Gu participated in training of security service agents in the police department of provisional government. Secondly, there was security service agency in the provisional government. In 1920s, security service agency and agents appeared for the first time in regulations of the provisional government. At the beginning of the security service agency's appearance was influenced on background and circumstances for Korean independence activist who helped the independence of Korea from Japan. Thirdly, security service agents leaded an active for independence movement of the private organizations in 1920s. They carried on an independence movement in defiance of Japanese coercion as nationalist in Korea history. Fourthly, security service came out the general society of Korea in 1920s. The security service was not just for safety, but also for its security system and peace of mind, which were influenced by the political situation, social environment in 1920s. For the this reason, now security service has safety perception in Korea despite the historical progress.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.113-137
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• 2024

In this study, considering the National Memorial of the Korean Provisional Government as a "Larchiveum," the researchers attempted to develop a classification system that can comprehensively categorize various types of materials and propose a method of providing an online service. To this end, as a case study, the researchers examined the classification system structure and contents of the National Archives of Korea, National Assembly Archives, and Archives of Korean History of the National Institute of Korean History, which are the current material collection institutions of the Korean Provisional Government. Regarding online services, apart from the three institutions above, the Imperial War Museum and the Hoover Institution at Stanford University were also explored. Through the implications derived from the case analysis of domestic and foreign institutions, a basic hierarchical classification system by provenance for the materials held by the institution was established, and a multi-classification system was presented according to the classification criteria of "by type, by era, and by subject." In addition, methods of applying the developed classification system to online services were proposed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.227-234
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• 2019

Hyochang Park was the royal tomb of the Joseon Dynasty, where were the tombs of Prince Munhyo and his birth mother Ui-bin Seong, king Soonjo's concubine Sook-Ui Park and Youngon princess by a concubine. It was upgraded from Hyochang tomb to Hyochangwon at King Gojong. The Japanese imperialism destroyed Hyochangwon and made it into a park, also moved to Seosamneung in 1944. After returning from Chongqing after liberation, Kimgu made the independence movement tomb in the empty space of Hyochang Park. There were 3 martyr's tomb, provisional government figure tomb. Kimgu himself was buried in Hyochang Park after his death in 1949. During the regime of Rhee Seung-man and Park Jeong-hee, there was a constant attempt to change the identity of Hyochang Park, where independence activists were buried. Hyochang Stadium, Wonhyo buddhist priest's Statue and North Korean Anti-Communist Tower were established. After democratization in 1987, the independence activist tomb of Hyochang Park began to gain meaning again. The 6th Republic succeeded the provisional government in the Constitution, also the national cemetery and independent park of Hyochang Park were attempted but the social consensus could not be achieved. This study focuses on the historical middle layer and symbolism of Hyochang Park and aims to contribute to social consensus on the identity of Hyochang Park by making a storytelling on the theme of 'Independence Road'.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.229-261
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• 2021

On the musical stage in 2019, there were many works depicting the Japanese colonial period. This is due to 2019 the timeliness of the March 1st Movement and the centennial of the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. The way of remembering and commemorating historical facts reflects the power relationship between memory subjects and the time, namely the politics of memory. Until now, stage dramas dealing with the era of Japanese rule have focused on the commemoration of modern national and national defense, including feelings of misfortune and respect for patriots. This study analyzed the metaphor of the memorials emphasized to the audience in the commemorative musicals Shingheung Military School, Ku: Songs of the Goblin, and Watch which were performed in 2019, and looked at how to adjust memories and memorials. The above works highlight the narratives of ordinary people as well as those recorded against the backdrop of the Manchurian Independence Movement and Hongkou Park, expanding the object of the commemoration. Through this, active armed resistance efforts, self-reflection and reflection were highlighted. The case of Shingheung Military School revealed the earnestness of ordinary people who led the independence movement through the movement of central figures. Ku: Songs of the Goblin revises memories by reproducing forgotten objects and apologizing through time slip. Watch has strengthened the spectacles of facilities through documentary techniques such as photography, news reels, and newspaper articles, but it also reveals limitations limited to records. In the 3.1 Movement and the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, devices that actively reveal that the "people's movement" is connected to the present. To this end, the official records reflected the newly produced values and memories and devoted themselves to the daily lives and emotions of the crowd. In addition, both empirical consideration and calligraphy were utilized to increase reliability. These attempts are meaningful in that they have achieved the achievement of forming contemporary empathy.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2021

The Gwanghwamun Gate of the Gyeongbokgung Palace was established in 1866 when Heungseon Daewongun rebuilt the Gyeongbokgung Palace. In Gwanghwamun, a large platform, woldae was established to reveal its hierarchy. The Gwanghwamun Woldae was equipped with stone railings on the left and right sides, fishing routes in the center, and stairs and slopes to the south. The Yongdu Stone was installed on the south side of the slope, which connected to the woldae, to express the path of the king in a formative manner. The Woldae King Road in Gwanghwamun was expanded in 1915 as the Joseon Promotion Conference was held at the Gyeongbokgung Palace and the woldae was destroyed around 1925. Since then, the figure has not been found since the time before the Gwanghwamun Gate. In the Donggureung royal tombs, there are many stones that are not placed in the royal tombs, including voussoir arch stones, Munsojeon Gugi-bi, as well as Nangan-Seokju, Dongja-seok, and Juk-seok, which are elements of the stone railings. These stone railings and Yongdu-seok are seen as stone objects of the Gwanghwamun Woldae, which can be found through the analysis of the style of the times and comparison with modern photographs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.254-273
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• 2023

In 2023, the Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea is transforming a system that has been in existence for the past 60 years. In these circumstances, an increasing recognition of the need for such changes is intended to start the study of the historical context in the conceptual development of cultural heritage. The employment of imported concepts of heritage created the demand for understanding at least the original contexts. Many European concepts have been introduced. In this study, the French Revolution is selected as the starting point for historical research on conceptual development. France opened a new horizon to national heritage since the establishment of the Republic at the end of the 18th century. The French Revolution placed monuments denied by the collapse of the Ancien Regime back into the boundaries of protection. In this process, the Commission des Monuments and the Commission Temporaire des Arts were created. There were limits to conservation activities in the context of the revolution and war. However, it is meaningful in that they established conservation principles with instructions and created new value for looking at monuments. It was pioneering in that it demonstrated the perspective of national heritage. This is significant because the top flow of conceptual development has led to a monument historique, bien culturel, and patrimoine culturel in France. This history provides a universal essence and has great implications for Korea as a divided country

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.312-323
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• 2003

This writer absolutely agrees with the government that regional disequilibrium is severe enough to consider moving the administrative capital. Pursuing this course solely to establish a balanced development, however, is not a convincing enough reason. The capital city is directly related to not only the social and economic situation but, much more importantly, to the domestic political situation as well. In the mid-1970s, the proposal by the Third Republic to move the capital city temporarily was based completely on security reasons. At e time, the then opposition leader Kim, Dae-jung said that establishing a safe distance from the demilitarized zone(DMZ) reflected a typically military decision. His view was that retaining the capital city close to the DMZ would show more consideration for the will of the people to defend their own country. In fact, independent Pakistan moved its capital city from Karachi to Islamabad, situated dose to Kashmir the subject of hot territorial dispute with India. It is regrettable that no consideration has been given to the urgent political situation in the Korean peninsula, which is presently enveloped in a dense nuclear fog. As a person requires health to pursue his/her dream, a country must have security to implement a balanced territorial development. According to current urban theories, the fate of a country depends on its major cities. A negligently guarded capital city runs the risk of becoming hostage and bringing ruin to the whole country. In this vein, North Koreas undoubted main target of attack in the armed communist reunification of Korea is Seoul. For the preservation of our state, therefore, it is only right that Seoul must be shielded to prevent becoming hostage to North Korea. The location of the US Armed Forces to the north of the capital city is based on the judgment that defense of Seoul is of absolute importance. At the same time, regardless of their different standpoints, South and North Korea agree that division of the Korean people into two separate countries is abnormal. Reunification, which so far has defied all predictions, may be realized earlier than anyone expects. The day of reunification seems to be the best day for the relocation of the capital city. Building a proper capital city would take at least twenty years, and a capital city cannot be dragged from one place to another. On the day of a free and democratic reunification, a national agreement will be reached naturally to find a nationally symbolic city as in Brazil or Australia. Even if security does not pose a problem, the governments way of thinking would not greatly contribute to the balanced development of the country. The Chungcheon region, which is earmarked as the new location of the capital city, has been the greatest beneficiary of its proximity to the capital region. Not being a disadvantaged region, locating the capital city there would not help alleviate regional disparity. If it is absolutely necessary to find a candidate region at present, considering security, balanced regional development and post-reunification scenario of the future, Cheolwon area located in the middle of the Korean peninsula may be a plausible choice. Even if the transfer of capital is delayed in consideration of the present political conflict between the South and the North Koreas, there is a definite shortcut to realizing a balanced regional development. It can be found not in the geographical dispersal of the central government, but in the decentralization of power to the provinces. If the government has surplus money to build a new symbolic capital city, it is only right that it should improve, for instance, the quality of drinking water which now everyone eschews, and to help the regional subway authority whose chronic deficit state resoled in a recent disastrous accident. And it is proper to time the transfer of capital city to coincide with that of the reunification of Korea whenever Providence intends.