• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.5-37
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• 2010

본 논문은 그동안 대안적 정당모델의 하나로 제시되어 왔던 원내정당모델에 대한 오해를 불식하고 본 모델이 추구하는 이상향(ideal type)을 보다 명료화하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이것을 위해 원내정당모델과 경쟁하는 대안적 정당모델들인 대중정당모델, 포괄정당모델, 선거전문가정당모델과 어떠한 차이를 갖는 것인지를 비교하여 논의하고자 한다. 그동안 한국 정당의 문제점을 개선하기 위한 학계의 논의는 크게 '대중정당모델'(mass party model)과 '원내정당모델'(parliamentary party model)로 수렴되어 왔다. 하지만 이 같은 두 정당모델 진영간의 논쟁이 최근까지 지속되고 있는 배경에는 바람직한 정당모델에 대한 학계의 이론적 공감대가 지체되고 있는 측면이 있다. 우선적으로 원내정당모델에 대한 개념정리를 보다 명료화할 필요가 있다. 왜냐하면 그동안 진행되어온 원내정당론자들에 대한 대중정당론자들의 비판은 대체로 '원내정당모델'이 '포괄정당'과 '선거전문가정당'과 태동배경과 강조되는 정당기능측면에서 성격이 다른 모델임에도 불구하고, 마치 같은 것으로 전제한 상태에서 진행되어 왔기 때문이다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.261-290
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• 2009

The primary purpose of this study is to explain the changing nature of Korean Democratic Labor Party, namely the revealed characteristics contrary to the party's original identity, based on empirical framework of so-called "Korean Democratic Labor Party' as a Parliamentary Party". This paper focuses on the unanticipated phenomenon that Korean Democratic Labor Party, in spite of its expectancy as an alternative party model to overcome the challenges of Korean party politics, has lost its characteristics as a mass party but has revealed the characteristics of parliamentary party since it took parliamentary seats in National Assembly.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.340-349
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• 2011

This research analyzes the 4P(Police-Press-Politics-Public) model for establish an ideal relationship between press and police and suggests some practical policies. Through the examination of the relations among 4Ps(Police-Press-Politics-Public), Jean-Louis Loubet Del Bayle proposes 3 models from three aspets : exchange of information, relation of power, relation of legitimacy. The analysis of his models shows that politics and public give social and political legitimacy to police and press which, based on the legitimacy, thereby obtain necessary informations from external entities to fulfil their original functions. On the other hand, the inevitable relation of press and police with politics and public caused from their social functions, in turn, makes the relationship between press and police more complicated and delicate. This research concludes, the relationship between police and press should be well balanced for their successful social functions and benefits of the public. To this end, this study suggests that a specific press guideline which is imposed on press and police, must be prepared and that a specialized press office must be established in the police.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.113-139
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• 2016

This article tries to compare exchange relations between welfare and dictatorship in the East Germany and the North Korea. Unlike capitalist welfare aiming at correcting market results socialist welfare has been proposed to satisfy people's basic needs, but it had operated as instrument of dictatorship. Relation between welfare and dictatorship could be distinguished as hard exchange and soft one in line with social construction of welfare. Welfare-dictatorship relation in East Germany had developed from its formation(1949-1970s), crisis(1980s) and dissolution(1989-1990). There had established hard exchange relation in which the legitimacy of dominance had debted to welfare as social rights. While crisis of the exchange relation had been modest in a form of insufficient supply of consumption goods, it was one of the elements of collapse of dictatorship, leading to the unification with West Germany. The journey of the exchange relation in North Korea can be characterized by its formation(1948-1980), crisis(1990s-2000s), and transformation(2010s). Unlike East Germany, welfare was socially constructed as gift form the ruler to the ruled, which made the combination of welfare and dictatorship loosely coupled. Although economic crisis was severe compared to East German one the rulers have succeeded maintaining dictatorial dominance by creating dual exchange relation. They separated core group and subordinated one supporting the former at the expense of the latter. They blocked out most of the people from soft exchange relation making bad use of muddling-through life style dependent on market activities. This strategy led to a 'dictatorship neutral welfare extinction'. Taking the high degree of institutionalization of newly establishing welfare-dictatorship relation into account, lives of most people are hardly expected to be improved by gift by their rulers even if North Korean economy will recover in the future.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.79-101
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• 2004

This paper examines the characteristics and determinants of welfare attitudes in Korea. Based on Survey data, this study focuses mainly on how social-economic position variables, welfare status and welfare compliances influence attitudes towards welfare. Welfare attitudes can be classified by five areas as follows: legitimacy of welfare functions, affordability of welfare costs, need-based welfare principles, responsibility of welfare provision and adequacy of welfare spending. There are the major findings. First, attitudes towards welfare is identified state-friendly or pro-welfare attitudes. Second, among the social-economic position variables, welfare status and welfare norms variables, welfare compliance has statistically the most significant effects on welfare attitudes. Third, the level of pro-welfare attitudes is largely determined by welfare norms and images espoused by individuals. These findings suggest that we can not apply cleavages thesis which are developed by studies on the support for welfare state.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.239-276
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• 2020

The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.