• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 2022

This study was conducted to derive a new model for popular democracy in the modern society. The problem is exacerbated as the original model of democracy, isonomia, has faded and modern democracy is operated as a democracy in which the masses rule. Democracy is exposing a bigger problem due to the economic inequality caused by the majority rule and the capitalist economic system. Popular democracy, in which all the masses are equally qualified as sovereigns, is a structure in which cunning politicians can easily seize power if the voters are not wise. Isonomia is a system in which free people who solve economic problems on their own and have honesty, courage, dedication, sacrifice and sincerity set laws with the same qualifications, and keep the laws themselves, is a system that depends heavily on the conscience and virtue of free people. Modern popular democracy embodies the absolute equality of the sovereign regardless of economic power, but without the spirit of sacrifice and dedication to the community, those who can win popularity by wrapping themselves up as if they are sacrificial and capable people may seize power. This study presents a service-oriented democracy as a system that can maintain the merits of modern popular democracy while embodying the essence of isonomia. The system was implemented focusing on the qualifications for virtue, such as honesty, courage, sacrifice, integrity, etc., fair to all regardless of wealth. Human imperfections have been supplemented by the use of artificial intelligence. The assumption about the nature of the sovereign and public officials' agents was newly established, and the winner-take-allism problem was solved. This study proved that both the philosophy of Isonomia and the merits of Democracy can be realized through service-oriented democracy based on the common principle of humanity and the philosophy of service. Service-oriented democracy can be called revision democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.35-67
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• 2010

이글은 대의민주주의에서의 입법 메커니즘에 대한 이론적 논의를 전개한다. 이러한 논의를 근거로 한국 국회의원의 입법생산성에 영향을 미치는 변수들을 도출하고, 이 변수들이 16대와 17대 국회의 입법생산성에 미치는 효과를 분석한다. 이글의 경험분석은 국회의원의 입법생산성은 이들의 학력, 법조경력, 관직경력, 의정경력 같은 개인적 배경과 서로 무관하다는 사실을 보여준다. 이글의 경험분석에 의하면, 국회의원들의 개인배경보다는 원내 정당간의 역학관계와 소속정당의 여당지위, 그리고 의회요인들이 국회의원들의 입법생산성에 영향을 미치는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 이러한 분석결과는 한국 대의민주주의의 작동과 관련된 함의를 제공한다. 국회의원의 입법활동에 대한 정보를 접하기 어려운 환경에서는 국회의원의 개인배경에 의존하는 국회충원 방식이 대리인문제를 유발할 가능성이 높다. 이글은 국회의원 입법활동에서 발견되는 대리인 문제의 해소를 위한 제도적 방안들에 대해 논의한다.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.107-145
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• 2018

This paper presents that in the Russian Revolution 1) socialist and alternative democratic conceptions between Marx and Lenin are very different, 2) the process and cause of failure of realizing Lenin's democratic alternative conception, 3) the interactive expansion process of the party and the state, 4) the failing process of socialist original accumulation, collectivization, and constructing planned economy. This shows that Russia could not help fail to transit to socialist society due to the combination of wrong conceptions and that new revolution and construction should combine right socialist and democratic conceptions.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.6
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• pp.169-316
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• 1998

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.2
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• pp.705-744
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• 1997

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.2
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• pp.153-239
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• 1997

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.10
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• pp.539-569
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• 2000

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.10
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• pp.127-203
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• 2000