• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.789-812
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• 2009

This paper aims to analyse the historical-cultural sources of Azerbaijani national identity through the aspects of the Persian, the Turkish and the Russian influences, and to illuminate its complex characteristics. Then it will be examined the impact and consequences that the Azerbaijani identity exerted on its foreign policy. In the modern world, identities are formed and represented within a variety of shifting social, political, economic, cultural, and discursive contexts. Such understandings can have exclusionary consequences, particularly in pluralistic environments. Since its independence, the PFA government resorted to the arguments of ethnic origin and Azerbaijan's Turkishness to achieve its goals. Domestically, the failure of the ethnicity-based foreign policy was so great that even Azerbaijani Kurds, who under the Soviets had been virtually absorbed into the Azeri population, felt alienated and betrayed. Internationally, Azerbaijan turned Russia and Iran against itself and reduced bargaining power of Turkey since the latter grew increasingly concerned not to exacerbate its relations with Russia.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.293-321
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• 2012

This study aims to examine how institutions has been formed to deepen interdependence and to keep check in trade on the border regions of East Sea Rim between the macro structure and micro behaviors. The transitional nations such as China, Russia, and North Korea adjacent to the East Sea Rim exhibits unique characteristics in terms of transaction governance structure. While the regional economy in northeast China is still overwhelmed by the stated-owned enterprises(SOEs), it strongly encourages the private economic trade to form institutional economy through the border trade port and peddler trade market. Thus trade is shaped by the mixed governance. In far east Russia, whereas the SOEs are in charge of exporting oil, gas etc., private firms and small scale traders are importing household items, so that it can also be called as the mixed governance, while informal social networks simultaneously work. In North Korea, for the trade, since the firms are mainly required to have the permits from the different levels of government, it is regarded as the hierarchical governance. The institutional economics seems to well explain the changing agencies and their influence on the trade among the regions in the East Sea Rim.

• 월간 기계설비
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• s.4
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• pp.84-100
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• 1990

한미통상마찰등에 가려 관심권 밖으로 밀려나 있던 GATT(관세 및 무역에 관한 일반 협정) 우루과이 라운드 협상이 올 연말 협상 타결이 시한으로 다가옴에 따라 자국에게 좀더 이익이 갈 수 있도록 하기 위해 부산한 움직임을 보이고 있다. UR협상은 동구권의 자유시장 경제체제로의 편입과 함께 세계 경제질서의 재편을 가져오는 가장 중요한 변화 요인으로서 대외에 개방적 운용이 불가피한 우리의 경제에 커다란 영향을 미칠 것으로 전망되고 있다. 건설부문도 예외는 아니여서 정부 및 관계자들이 우리쪽으로 유리한 타결을 위해 고심하고 있다.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.239-276
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• 2020

The failure of early economic sanctions aimed at hurting the overall economies of targeted states called for a more sophisticated design of economic sanctions. This paved way for the advent of 'smart sanctions,' which target the supporters of the regime instead of the public mass. Despite controversies over the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a coercive tool to change the behavior of a targeted state, the transformation from 'comprehensive sanctions' to 'smart sanctions' is gaining the status of a legitimate method to impose punishment on states that do not conform to international norms, the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction in this particular context of the paper. The five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council proved that it can come to an accord on imposing economic sanctions over adopting resolutions on waging military war with targeted states. The North Korean nuclear issue has been the biggest security threat to countries in the region, even for China out of fear that further developments of nuclear weapons in North Korea might lead to a 'domino-effect,' leading to nuclear proliferation in the Northeast Asia region. Economic sanctions had been adopted by the UNSC as early as 2006 after the first North Korean nuclear test and has continually strengthened sanctions measures at each stage of North Korean weapons development. While dubious of the effectiveness of early sanctions on North Korea, recent sanctions that limit North Korea's exports of coal and imports of oil seem to have an impact on the regime, inducing Kim Jong-un to commit to peaceful talks since 2018. The purpose of this paper is to add a variable to the factors determining the success of economic sanctions on North Korea: preventing North Korea's evasion efforts by conducting illegal transshipments at sea. I first analyze the cause of recent success in the economic sanctions that led Kim Jong-un to engage in talks and add the maritime element to the argument. There are three conditions for the success of the sanctions regime, and they are: (1) smart sanctions, targeting commodities and support groups (elites) vital to regime survival., (2) China's faithful participation in the sanctions regime, and finally, (3) preventing North Korea's maritime evasion efforts.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.63-85
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• 1988

일본(日本)의 후진적(後進的) 중소기업구조(中小企業構造)는 경제(經濟)의 국제화(國際化)가 급속히 진전된 70년대에 크게 개선되었고, 이에 따라 중소기업문제(中小企業問題)에 대한 사회의 인식도 변하게 되었다. 국제수지(國際收支)의 흑자기조(黑字基調)가 정착되면서 급속히 진전된 경제의 국제화를 계기로 후진적(後進的) 중소기업구조(中小企業構造)가 개선된 일본의 경험은 우리 경제가 당면한 중소기업문제(中小企業問題)의 이해와 개선에 도움을 줄 것이다. 경제(經濟)의 국제화(國際化)를 계기로 우리 경제에서도 중소기업구조(中小企業構造)를 개선하는 산업조정(産業調整)이 가속될 것이다. 경제구조(經濟構造)와 내외환경(內外環境)의 차이로 인하여 중소기업분야(中小企業分野)의 산업조정과정(産業調整過程)에는 일본의 경험과 일치하지 않는 부분도 많겠지만, 경제 전반의 대외지향적(對外指向的) 기술(技術) 지식집약화(知識集約化) 과정(過程)에 의하여 규정되는 기본적 성격에는 차이가 없을 것이다. 중소기업과 관련된 경제운용의 기본방향은 이러한 중소기업분야(中小企業分野)의 산업조정(産業調整)이 시장기능(市場機能)에 의하여 점진적으로 진행되도록 유도(誘導) 지원(支援)을 강화하는 것이다.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-23
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• 2016

In this study, we used actual proof analysis, based on SVAR model according to economy theory, to observe the impact of actual and financial market of Korea, Japan, and China that have adopted quantitative easing export based strategy of growth, an unconventional monetary policy of the U.S. As a result of estimation, it appears that real effective exchange rate rise shock of Korea, Japan, and China against U.S. dollar has a negative influence on current account and index of industrial product, which are real economy. It can be implied that the result is driven from the fact that strong home currency of Korea, Japan, and China decreases price competitiveness of exports, causing negative influence on real economy. The real effective exchange rate shock against U.S. dollar appeared to decrease national bond rate of Korea and Japan, while increasing that of China. In instances of Korea and Japan, it is implied that national bond rate decreases as foreigner investment funds flow in, considering foreign-exchange profit through advanced financial market with high opening extent. On the other hand, because there are strong regulation on opening extent of Chinese financial markets, the influence seems to be greater for domestic policy, rather than a foreign influence. Lastly, Korea showed a more dramatic variable reaction to exchange rate shock compared to Japan or China. It is implied from the result that Korea is relatively more susceptible and fragile in regards of international status of economic size and currency.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.6_1
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• pp.57-63
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• 2014

Even though the historical changes of the Cold War, they does not release the Cold War structure in Korean peninsula. And continues North Korea's provocations against South Korea. A factor of instability in Northeast Asia is the causing catastrophic inter-Korean relations and North Korea's Yeonpyeong shelling and provocation of the Cheonan battleship sinking by an explosion. These behaviors have been committed by among the North Korea military. North Korea's provocations made by a complex decision-making system in the United States and North Korea and South Korea. North Korea's aggressive military actions are conducted under the North Korean political system of strategies unification of the Korean peninsula. It has a duality of continuity and change, depending on the situation of a foreign policy in North Korea. If North Korea want maintain structure of their country, they should change the national policy and strategy, tactics and the military action type. North Korea should be a member of international community. As one of the country in the world, North Korea create economic power, nuclear tensions break, and participate in the international community for the peace.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.169-205
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• 2021

This study quantitatively analyzes the impact of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reduction policies on the global economy. To this end, we develop a multi-national and multi-industry static computational general equilibrium model that includes three components-GHG emissions from production, disutility due to GHG emissions, and governments' GHG emissions reduction policies. Then we calibrate the model with the relevant data and solve for the equlibrium using the most recent methodology (exact hat algebra). We find that the strengthening of unilateral GHG emissions reduction policies for each country reduces carbon emissions from domestic producers, but does not necessarily reduce global carbon emissions as production is relocated to other countries. On the other hand, we can reduce GHG emissions when all major countries simultaneously implement the strengthened reduction policies proposed by the OECD (2016). Our results imply that aligned reduction efforts of major countries are necessary to reduce global GHG emissions.

• 사료
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• s.67
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• pp.27-34
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• 2014

한국농촌경제연구원(이하 농경연)은 지난 1월 22일 잠실 롯데호텔에서 농업계 인사 1,700여명이 참석한 가운데 '농업 농촌의 새로운 도전과 미래'를 주제로 '농업전망 2014' 대회를 개최했다. 이번 행사는 1부 '세계 경제와 한국 농업전망', 2부 '품목 전망 및 정책 이슈', 3부 '대외여건과 수급 및 소득지원제도'를 세부 주제로 진행됐다. 농경연은 이날 농업전망에서 올해 축산업생산액(양잠 포함)은 양돈을 제외한 전 축종의 생산액이 감소될 것으로 예상됨에 따라 전년대비 1.1% 줄어든 16조 8천 60억원으로 전망했다. 다음은 이날 '농업전망 2014'에서 발표된 주요 내용을 요약 정리한 것이다.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.163-191
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• 2017

This article aims to review the recent, especially focusing on the year of 2016, situations and prospects of the Vietnamese politics, economy, and international relations. Politically, Vietnam completed the election of members for the National Assembly and organized new leadership at the 12th National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 2016. One characteristic of the new leadership is that the politicians, especially the members of politburo, from the North continue to occupy the position of majority. The other one is that the new leadership promised to carry out the restructuring of economy toward industries producing higher value-added commodities even though Vietnam industries admittedly need to accelerate present industrialization and modernization as a developing country under the seemingly contradictory slogan of "the development of market economy for socialism." The declared goals of the new leadership in Vietnam are inevitable in a sense since the development of Vietnamese economy has been heavily dependent upon Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) taking advantage of Vietnamese cheap labor and simultaneously it is evident that its future is unsecure if it maintains status quo. In fact, the Vietnamese economy has impressively showed high growth rate by the help of foreign capitals since 1990s despite the repetitive recessions of global economy but its growth is not likely to be sustainable anymore if it will not reduce foreign dependency and social economic inequality in a long term. In a short run, global economic recession, the financial and monetary policies of global powers, and recent protectionism and uncertainty of trade agreements will be three crucial variables to affect Vietnamese economy. In terms of international relations, Vietnam is continuously expected to practise the policy of checks and balances among the powerful countries. Vietnam has seriously disputed with China on islands sovereignty in the South China Sea and attempted to maintain close relationship with other powerful countries including especially America. However, mainly due to the new protectionism by the regime of American president Donald Trump, the Vietnamese government also need to keep close relationship with China increasingly for both economic and diplomatic security. Under the circumstances, Vietnam is expected to maintain more practical and balanced international relations.