• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.318-345
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• 2013

This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.24-55
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• 2010

Jangmyeongdeung Lantern (貞陵長明燈) refers to the stone lantern placed in front of the royal tomb. It serves both symbolic and decorative purposes; symbolic because it is supposed to guard and illuminate the buried, and decorative because it is a work of sculpture that adorns the entire graveyard. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung was the earliest stone lantern to be produced during the Joseon period. Its square shape is unique among those from the early to mid-Joseon period. The three major parts of Jangmyeongdeung - the stand, the lantern, and the roof-shaped cover parts - are square in shape, differing from the octagonal shaped Jangmyeongdeung. The stand consists of three single stone blocks, the Hadaeseok(下臺石), Ganjuseok(竿柱石), and Sangdaeseok(上臺石). The Hwasaseok(火舍石), or the lantern part, is also a single stone block. Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung succeeds the style of those of Hyeon-neung and Jeongneung(玄正陵) of the Goryeo period and is of a better artistic quality. As the first Jangmyeongdeung lantern, it is a refined work of art that marks the foundation of the Joseon Kingdom. This paper tries to ascertain the stylistic origin of the square-shaped Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung and compare it with those of Buddhist temples. Consequently, similarities were found among the stone lanterns of Zen priests 'Jigong'(指空) and 'Nawong'(懶翁) in the Hweamsa Temple(檜巖寺) site from the late Goryeo period, those of Zen priest 'Muhak'(無學) of the Hweamsa Temple site, and those of national priest 'Bogak'(普覺) of Cheongnyongsa Temple(靑龍寺) from the early Joseon period. Primarily, this is because the three components(the stand, the lantern part, and the roof-shaped cover) are essentially square-shaped. Second, as the Ganjuseok(one of the components of the stand) became shorter, the stand took a more stable form. Third, the Hwasaseok(the lantern part) consists of two stone blocks joined together. Fourth, the roof-shaped cover is also in square in shape. Similarly, the Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung contains Buddhist elements as well. The three-bead pattern that decorates the Ganjuseok stand is an example. The three-bead pattern is one of the symbolic elements related to Tantric Buddhism. It is found on the diadems worn by Bodhisattvas from the Goryeo and early Joseon periods. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung in early Joseon directly influenced the production of the square-shaped stone lanterns used to decorate the tombs during the Joseon period. After the latter half of the 15th century, however, the octagonal-shaped Jangmyeongdeung style began to prevail. The Jangmyeongdeung of Jeongneung reflects the succession of the tradition of royal tombs from Goryeo to Joseon, the introduction of square-shaped stone lanterns to Buddhist temples, and the influence of the Buddhist philosophy of the time. It is a living testimony to various elements of each time and corresponding cultural trends.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.311-340
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• 2017

This research focuses on the theory of Zhi-jue(知覺) by Kim Chang-Hyup(金昌協) through comparison between Kim Chang-Hyup's and Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s. In the point of supervision, Zhu Xi considered that Zhi-jue is one of the conditions caused by supervision, one the other hand, it is the action that make possible supervision. Kim Chang-Hyup emphasize the concept of Zhi-jue itself, he considered that Zhi-jue is the action that make possible supervision, and separate Zhi-jue from Xing(性) or Qing(情). In this process, Zhi-jue became the subject itself about supervision, so the mix about relation between Zhi-jue and supervision is solved. But there is a problem about gap between Zhi-jue and the nature from separate between Zhi-jue and Xing. Kim Chang-Hyup intend to separate Zhi-jue and Qing as subject and object, so he considered that Xing is not a reason of Zhi-jue, but rules. It's not a answer about what is the reason of Zhi-jue. Yet Zhu Xi also considered that Xing is the rules of Zhu-jue, only in the case that Zhi-jue means the resulf of supervision, Zhi-jue is considered as the effect of Zhi(智). So the relation problem about Zhi-jue as a subject and the nature is brought up by Joseon scholar who attempted to arrange the concepts of neo-confucianism. Eventually, in case of the relation about Zhi-jue and Xing, King Chang-Hyup and Zhu Xi has a common point, only in case of the relation about Zhi-jue and supervision, Definding Zhi-jue as the subject of supervision is the character of Kim Chang-Hyup's theory of Zhi-jue.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.123-160
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• 2020

Manga develops by reflecting a change of society, reader's needs, and their thoughts and changes of tastes, sensitively. Shojo manga and Jyosei manga also do. We can find several kinds of meaningful changes in Japanese Jyosei manga in the 2010s. The works which represent preciousness of daily life, women's narrative and self-realization are gradually increasing. In addition, the works that deal with very touchy issues such as sex discrimination at work, sexual harassment begin to emerge. It has never been found in the manga of the former era. While this paper analyzes the social and cultural causes of these changes of the works that exclude romance and treat gender issues focusing on recent works, it examines changes of Japanese Jyosei manga in the 2010s and their meanings. I investigate the current trends of Japanese Jyosei manga in the 2010s through Umimachi Diary that represents a precious everyday life with woman-centered narrative, Metamorphose no engawa that deals with women's story from a new perspective, Good-bye My Miniskirt that tackles gender issues. Furthermore I intensively analyze how Nagi's Long Vacation and Darucyan, which win popularity from women in their 20s~30, represent lives and troubles of contemporary Japanese women. Nagi's Long Vacation represents the heroine's quest for a self throwing everything out. While Darucyan deals with self-realization, it forms of a bond of sympathy of readers by representing the heroine who suffers sexual harassment and inequal conditions very realistically. Nagi's Long Vacation and Darucyan have something in common with portraying troubles and self-realization of the working women in their 20s based on a indigenous reality to Japanese society very realistically. However they are unusual in that it is different from the manga of the former era in dealing with heroine's troubles and their solutions. The most distinctive changes of Jyosei manga since 2010 are that real issues surfaced with social changes. In addition, these social contradictions result from irrational discriminations and old customs of Japanese society for a long time. Manga reflects subtly the portraits of the times, their images of women, and their values. These changes of Jyosei manga also show the concerns of readers at that time, and it means that women began to be aware of the issues.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.10-19
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• 2022

In this study, historical and cultural landscapes were reviewed focusing on Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju, Gyeongsangnam-do, and the scenic value was examined through this. First, Mangjinsan Mountain was noted in history, as Ansan(案山, a mountain on the opposite side of a housing/grave site) in Jinju, where Bongsu(烽燧, the beacon fire station) is located. Information on Mangjinsan Mountain was gradually doubled due to its status, and the beacon fire station of Mangjinsan Mountain was in charge of defending the Jinju area. Mangjinsan Mountain was described as a symbolic landscape of Jinju. Regarding the etymology of Mangjinsan Mountain, Sung Yeo-Sin(成汝信) analyzed the geography of Jinju and suggested that it was a place name originating from the phoenix. However, looking at various records, it is confirmed that the name of Mangjinsan Mountain is maintained uniformly, but the inscription is not unified. Second, Mangjinsan Mountain became one of the major stage for the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, and in 1597. It is confirmed to be a place which has joys and sorrows, for that it provided an opportunity to win the Siege of Jinju in 1592, but many casualties occurred in 1597. On the other hand, in the area of Mangjinsan Mountain Byeolseo(別墅), temples, and administrative facilities were located to establish cultural history of the time, and in the 19th century, Manggyeongdae Pavilion was built due to the scenic value of viewing Jinju Castle. These are examples of testimony how Mangjinsan Mountain has an important meaning in Jinju's history and culture. Third, in the late Joseon Dynasty, a poem reciting Mangjinsan Mountain appears, which shows that the Mountain has established itself as a scenic site in Jinju. The description of Mangjinsan Mountain is confirmed in the literature that lists the scenic sites of Jinju. On the other hand, writers who lived in Jinju paid attention to the beacon fire station, singing about the peaceful world without war and looking back the history. In the 19th century, Jeonbyeolyeon(a farewell party) was held, which seems to be the result of the beauty of viewing Jinju and overviewing the area. Through the facts, the symbolism and scenic value of Mangjinsan Mountain in Jinju were confirmed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.172-203
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• 2023

<Cheongdamdo>(true-view landscape painting) was identified in this study to be a folding screen painting painted by Jeong Seon(a.k.a. Gyeomjae, 1676~1759) in the 32nd year of King Yeongjo(1756) while exploring the Cheongdam area located in Mt. Bukhansan near Seoul. Cheongdam Byeol-eop(Korean villa), consisting of Waunru Pavilion and Nongwolru Pavilion, was a cultural and artistic base at that time, where Nakron(Confucian political party) education took place and the Baegak Poetry Society met. <Cheongdamdo> is a painting that recalls a period of autumn rainfall in 1756 when Jeong Seon arrived in the Cheongdam valley with his disciple Kim Hee-sung(a.k.a. Bulyeomjae, 1723~1769) and met Hong Sang-han(1701~1769). It focuses on the valley flowing from Insubong peak to the village entrance. The title has a dual meaning, emphasizing "Cheongdam", a landscape feature that originated from the name of the area, while also referring to the whole scenery of the Cheongdam area. The technique of drastically brushing down(刷擦) wet pimajoon(hanging linen), the expression of soft horizontal points(米點), and the use of fine brush strokes reveal Jeong Seon's mature age. In particular, considering the contrast between the rock peak and the earthy mountain and symmetry of the numbers, the attempt to harmonize yin and yang sees it regarded as a unique Jingyeong painting(眞境術) that Jeong Seon, who was proficient in 『The Book of Changes』, presented at the final stage of his excursion. 「Cheongdamdongbugi」(Personal Anthology) of Eo Yu-bong(1673~1744) was referenced when Jeong Seon sought to understand and express the true scenery of Cheongdam and the physical properties of the main landscape features in the villa garden. The characteristics of this garden, which Jeong Seon clearly differentiated from the field, suppressed the view of water with transformed and exaggerated rocks(水口막이), elaborately creating a rain forest to cover the villa(裨補林), and adding new elements to help other landscape objects function. In addition, two trees were tilted to effectively close the garden like a gate, and an artificial mountain belt(造山帶), the boundary between the outer garden and the inner garden, was built solidly like a long fence connecting an interior azure dragon(內靑龍) and interior white tiger(內白虎). This is the Bibo-Yeomseung painting(裨補厭勝術) that Jeong Seon used to turn the poor location of the Cheongdam Byeol-eop into an auspicious site(明堂). It is interpreted as being devised to be a pungsu(feng shui) trick, and considered an iconographic embodiment of ideal traditional landscape architecture that was difficult to achieve in reality but which was possible through painting.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.21-29
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• 2023

The Northern Song Dynasty, the heyday of cultural and artistic achievements, brought significant changes to the history of gardens in China. The developments and contemplations that had evolved during the previous Tang Dynasty became intertwined with literature, painting, and art, leading to garden being perceived as works of art. In particular, the emergence of Su Shi(蘇軾) that permeated literature and art during the Northern Song Dynasty, had an impact beyond individual garden creation, influencing the development of public gardens and the diversification of garden. His long exile periods served as an opportunity to understand and reflect the local culture and characteristics, influencing the development of the garden. This study focuses on the ideology of Su Shi(蘇軾) that managed various gardens, examining the relationship between his exlie life and ideology. To do so, the study examines the form of the literati's gardens managed by Su Shi(蘇軾), with a particular emphasis on the Baiheju(白鶴居) garden in Huizhou, revealing the following characteristics and values. First, Su Shi(蘇軾), who was proficient in the Three Houses: Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, combined his philosophy and unique perspective techniques with the location and composition elements of Baiheju(白鶴居) to enjoy the landscape. Although the ancient residence has a simple form, it possesses expansiveness through the combination of internal and external views. The interior is designed to be perceived as a single space, but it allows overlapping experiences of space and simultaneous appreciation of different sceneries. On the other hand, the spatial layout incorporates a hierarchical order to establish a sense of order. Second, the garden reflects the local characteristics, featuring numerous tropical plants and presenting vibrant and contrasting colors with structures. The planting forms embrace the concept of "huosei seikou" (活色生香) to enhance the color harmoniously. Additionally, the garden incorporates the poet's spiritual world, projecting it onto the garden as a contemplative place for spiritual nourishment and exploration of the ideal realm. For the pursuit of serenity and profound contemplation, the selected plantings are simple yet distinctive, providing rhythm and depth to the garden space. Third, Baiheju(白鶴居) has undergone changes over the years, but fundamentally, the form and elements of the garden shaped by Su Shi(蘇軾)'s descendants persist, confirming its heritage value.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.49-82
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• 1965

For the stable and high yields of low-land rice in Korea, the characteristics of rice plant for the vegetative and physiological responses, plant type formation, and yield components have been studied in order to obtain the fundamental data for the improvement of cultural practices, especially for the ideal fertilizer application. Furthermore the environmental conditions in Korea including temperatures, light, precipitation, and soil conditions have been compared in the broad sense with those in Japan, and the application of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicate and other micro-nutrients were described in relation to the characteristics of environmental conditions for the improvement of fertilizer application. 1. The average yield of polished-rice per 10 are in Korea is about 204 kg and this values are much less than those in Japan and Taiwan where they produce 77% to 13% more than in Korea. The rate of yield increase a year in Korea is 4.2 kg, but in Japan and Taiwan the rates of yield increase a year are 81 % and 62%, respectively. It was also found that the coefficient of variation of yield is 7.7% in Korea, 6.7% in Japan and 2.5% in Taiwan. This means that the stability of producing rice in Korea is very low when compared with those in Japan and Taiwan. 2. It was learned from the results obtained from the 'annual yield estimation experiment' that there are big differences in the respect of plant type formations between rice crops grown in Japan and Korea. The important differences found were as follows: (1) The numbers of spikelets per 3.3 square meters are 891 in Korea and 1, 007 in Japan(13% more than in Korea). (2) The numbers of tillers per 3.3 square meters at the stage of maximum tillering are 1, 150 in Korea, but in Japan they showed 19% more than in Korea. (3) The ratio of effective tillers to total tillers is 77.5% in Korea and 74.7% in Japan, which seems to be higher in Korea than in Japan. But the ratio in Korea is very low when considered the numbers of total tillers in both countries. (4) The ratio of grain to straw is 85.4% in Korea and 96.3% in Japan. 3. The average temperatures during the growing season at the area of Suwon, Kwangjoo and Taegu are almost same as those in the district of Jookokoo(Fookoo yama) in Japan, i.e., the temperatures during the rice-growing season in Korea are similar to those in the southern-warm regions of Japan. 4. Considering the minimum temperatures at the stage of limiting transplanting, 13$^{\circ}C$, the time of transplanting might be 30 to 40 days earlier than presently practicing transplanting time, which comes around June 10. 5. The temperatures during the vegetative growth in Korea were higher than those temperatures that needed in the protein synthesis which ate the main metabolism during this stage. However, the temperatures at the time of reproductive growth was lower than the temperatures that needed in the sugar assimilation which is main metabolism in this stage. In this point of view, it might be considered that the proper time of growing rice plant in Korea would be rather earlier. 6. The temperatures and the day light conditions at the time of first tillering stage of rice plant, when planted as presenting transplanting practices, are very satisfactory, but the poor day light length, high temperatures and too wet conditions in the time of last-tillering stage(mid or last July) might cause the occurrence of disease such as blast. 7. The heading stage of rice plants at each region through nations when planted as presently practicing method comes when the day light length is short. 8. It was shown that the accumulated average air-temperature at the time of maturing stage was not enough and the heading time was too late, when considered the annual deviations of mean temperatures and low minimum temperatures. 9. The nitrogen content of each plant part at the each growing stage was very high at the stage of vegetative growth when compared with the nitrogen content at the stage of reproductive growth after heading. In this respect it was believed to be important to prevent the nutrient shortages at the reproductive stages, especially after the heading. 10. The area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and natural rain-fed paddy fields are getting reduced in Korea. The correlation between the rate of reducing unsatisfactory irrigation and natural rain-fed paddy fields and the rate of yield increase were computed. The correlation coefficients(r) between the area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and yield increase were +0.525, and between the natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.832 and between the unsatisfactory irrigation plus natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.84. And there were. highly significant positive correlations between natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increases indicating that the less the area of natural rain-fed paddy fields, the greater the yields per unit area. 11. The results obtained from the fertilizer experiments (yield performance trials) conducted in both Korea and Japan showed that the yield of non-fertilized plots per 10 are was 231 kg in Korea and 360 kg in Japan. On the basis of this it might be concluded that the fertility of soil in Korea is lower than that in Japan. Furthermore it was. also found that the yields of non-nitrogen applied plots per 10 are were 236 kg in Korea and 383 kg in Japan. This also indicates that the yields of rice in Korea are largely depending on the nitrogen content in the soil. 12. The followings were obtained when the chemical natures of soils in both Korea and Japan were compared. (1) The content of organic matter, total nitrogen, exchangeable calcium, and magnesium in Korea were no more than the half those in Japan. (2) The content of N/2 chloride and soluble silicate in low-land soil were on the average lower in Korea. (3) The exchange capacity of bases in Korea was no more than half that in Japan. 13. It was also observed by comparing the soil nature of the soil with high yielding capacity with the soil with low yielding capacity that the exchange capacity of bases, exchangeable calcium and magnesium, potassium, phosphorus, manganese, silicate and iron were low in the soil with low yielding capacity. 14. The depth of furrow slice was always deeper in the soil with high yielding capacity, and the depth of furrow slice in Korea was also shallower than that in Japan. 15. Summarizing the various conditions mentioned previously and considering the effects of silicate and trace elements such as manganese and iron besides three elements on the physiological and plant type formation of rice crops, more realistic and more ideal fertilizing practices were proposed. proposed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.36 no.9
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• pp.1148-1160
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• 2007

This study was performed to document the association between eating behaviors and major risk factors for cardiovascular diseases. Those who stated that they ate a daily breakfast for male and female were 88.6% and 96.0%, $1{\sim}2$ times a week were 9.1% and 2.0%, $3{\sim}4$ times a week were 2.3% and 2.0%, respectively. Those who stated that they were overeating of $0{\sim}1$ time a week for man and female were 80.7% and 89.9%, overeating of $2{\sim}3$ times a week were 19.3% and 10.1%, respectively. Those who said that they were regular of meal time for man and female were 38.6%, and 37.4%, sometimes irregular of meal time were 14.8% and 19.2%, irregular of meal time were 46.6% and 43.4%, respectively. Those who said that they were light of eating volume for man and female were 20.5% and 25.3%, moderate of eating volume were 69.3% and 61.6%, heavy of eating volume were 10.2% and 13.1%, respectively. Those who said that they were very fast of eating speed for man and female were 15.9% and 8.1%, fast of eating speed were 51.1% and 34.3%, moderate of eating speed were 4.5% and 20.2%, slow of eating speed were 17.0% and 14.1%, and very slow of eating speed were 11.4% and 23.2%, respectively. Higher frequency of breakfast a week resulted in higher serum total cholesterol and blood sugar for the daily eating group for both genders with women having high LDL-cholesterol and HDL-cholesterol. Both group had high HDL-cholesterol and low blood sugar with less number of overeating, with men having low triglyceride and LDL-cholesterol. With regular meal, both group had low triglyceride, total-cholesterol, atherogenic index, and blood sugar with women having low LDL-cholesterol. For both groups, the triglyceride, total-cholesterol, LDL-cholesterol, atherogenic index, and blood sugar had higher figures for overeating, with men having low HDL-cholesterol and women having high HDL-cholesterol. This study revealed that less number of overeating, regular mealtime, and less volume of food intake are effective in preventing and treating for the cardiovascular diseases.