• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.29-54
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• 2008

This is to review the reform of the governance for science and technology advanced by the Noh Moo Hyun government. The reform mainly included introducing the vice premiership for science and technology, strengthening the coordinative function of the National Science and Technology Committee over the public R&D budget and programs, and establishing the Office of Science and Technology Innovation under the vice premier for science and technology. The reform aims to improve not only the policy coordinative mechanism but policy discourse mechanism over the enhanced science and technology policy. This paper argues that Noh Moo Hyun Government's reform of the governance for science and technology was not successful. The reason is that the reform targeted mainly to improve the policy coordination among government departments concerning science and technology policy. But it was nearly neglected to make effective the policy discourse mechanism linking the state actors and societal actors.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.114-149
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• 2007

This study aims to examine how practices in beats have changed before and after the opening of press rooms and the operation of the briefing system. This research conducted in-depth interviews with 19 beat reporters and government officials. In conclusion, results showed that the Participation Government's press policy had a significant influence on practices in the press room. The opening of the press room and the operation of the briefing system contributed to the improvement of several bad practices in beats. However, some negative aspects of the briefing system were found in the research. Beat reporters' interviews were limited, thus threatening citizens' rights to know.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.73-83
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• 2013

Effective policy coordination is necessary function for successful policy implementation. Korean government, for effective policy coordination, had developed the policy coordination system in the Prime Minister's Office. The Prime Minister's Office had successfully implemented policy coordination tasks during 35 years. The Prime Minister's Office had systemized policy coordination institutions and developed organizational capacity for effective coordination, and utilized various strategies, such as power, persuasion, and technical strategy. Based on the system, capacity, and various strategies, ]the Prime Minister's Office had achieved 90% of the asked policy conflict problems and completed 85% of coordination tasks within 6 months. The purpose of this study is for reviewing the performance of successful coordination of Prime Minister's Office and searching for some implications. For the study, the author analyzed the 429 policy conflict problems which had been recorded in 8 Policy Coordination White Papers.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.911-921
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to investigate the semantic network analysis to understand image contents and to examine the degree to which words, word clusters contributed to the formation of semantic map within image contents. For this research, from 1993 until 2016 the field of the image contents were collected for a total of 2,624 cases papers. The word appeared in Title analyzed the social network by using the R program of Big Data. The results were as follows: First, Research on 'education' in the field of image contents has decreased. Second, the role of 'media' in the field of image contents is changing. Finally, It is a change in the status of 'contents' in the field of image contents.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.5-34
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the policies for reducing private tutoring expenditure in Roh Mu Hyun and Lee Myeong Bak Government using Causal Loop analysis based on the Systems Thinking perspective. The results are as follows. First, high educational achievers receive more private tutoring than lowers and children who have rich parents have better chance to take private tutoring than the others. It reflects the social characteristics which emphasize the academic ability and educational background. Second, two governments implemented educational policies to control the private tutoring expenditure as balancing loops ; strengthening public education, providing after school programs and EBS KSAT teaching and improving the entrance exam of university. Third, they overlooked the unintended feedback loops coming from 1) incongruity between causes and countermeasures of shadow education 2) wrong perception of substitutional relationship between public education and shadow education 3) side effect of the policy increasing the weight of student record 4) problems of diversifying high schools 5) dilemma of easing the burden of testing through admission officer system. The conclusion is that policies of reducing the private education expenses have failed because two governments don't consider unintended Feedback Loops in the process of making education policies. So we have to make policies based on Systems Thinking and reducing private education expenses should not be the purpose of strengthening the public education.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.1073-1080
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• 2013

Owing to 88 Olympic, social atmosphere changed to more freely and abundant liquidity, which caused by trade surplus, had led to the surge in real estate prices. Accordingly, The Roh Taewoo government announced the construction of five new towns, Bun-dang, Il-san etc. The Kim Youngsam government had dramatically enhanced the transparency of transactions on real estate field by introducing real-name transaction system. Whereas the Kim Daejung government carried out real estate stimulus package to early recovery from Asian financial cirsis. But, the Roh Muhyeon government conducted strongly suppressing polices. This report want to testify governments' real estate polices and their effectiveness on the real estate market after '90s using VAR model.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.324-334
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• 2003

The essential Policy for solving the problems of the Seoul Metropolitan Region is the relocation of national pivotal functions into the non-Capital Region. The decentralization of pivotal functions should be pursued at the national level. National public institutions should be moved according to the characteristics of the institution itself and the regional function and specialization. Primarily, after selecting target institutions from the administrations at the vice-ministerial level, affiliated organizations, government-funded agencies, and institutions invested tv governments, we need to develop various measures to diminish the problems and obstacles resulted from the relocation of public sector. The construction of the new administration capital city is one of the alternatives which solve the problems of the Seoul Metropolitan Region and improve the regional inequality. It is very much important that the Korean citizens agree to the construction of the new administration capital city.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.19-26
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to ccompare and analyze North Korean cyber attacks and our responses by government, from the Roh Moo-hyun administration to the Moon Jae-in administration. The current conflict of interests on the Korean peninsula, such as the United States, China, and Russia, is leading to a conflict for the leadership of a new world order in cyberspace. Cyber attacks are accelerating and threats are rising. Cyber threats exhibit several characteristics. Above all, it is difficult to identify or track the subject of the threat. Also, with the development of information and communication technology, attack technology has become more intelligent, and it is not easy to prepare a means to respond. Therefore, it is necessary to improve continuous and preemptive response capacity for national cybersecurity, and to establish governance among various actors, such as international cooperation between countries or private experts.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.35
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• pp.3-40
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• 2013

Establishment and expansion of a FOI regime is a fundamental basis for modern democracy. Informed decisions and supports by the people are critical to establishment of democratic institutions and policies. The best tool to make informed decisions and to ensure accountability is the FOI. For effective FOI, good records management is necessary requirement. This paper observes and analyses the development of the FOI in the U.S., the Open Government policy, and the government records management reforms under Obama Administration to search viable solutions for Korean FOI and public records management reforms. Major revisions and advancement of the FOIA in the United States are examined, especially the revision of the FOIA as the OPEN Government Act of 2007. The FOIA revision enhanced greatly the freedom of information in the U.S. including the establishment of an independent FOI ombudsman by the Congress. The paper also discusses the Presidential memoranda on the Open Government and the FOI by President Obama, the following directives, Presidential memorandum on government records management and the Government Records Management Directive. Major contents of the directives, plans, and achievement are summarized and analysed. Finally, this paper compares the government records management reforms under former President Roh Mu Hyun with the Obama's reform drive. The comparison found that major difference in the "top-down" government records reforms are the difference in democratic institutions such as weak congressional politics, strong bureaucratic obstacles, and relatively weak social and professional supports for the reforms in Korea, while these reforms were similar in terms that they were driven by insightful political leaders. Independent FOI ombudsman and national records administration are necessary for such democratic reforms.