• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 1997.11a
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• pp.255-273
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• 1997

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.346
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• pp.58-59
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• 2004

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.34
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• pp.23-44
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• 1998

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.143-178
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• 2018

This study is aimed at empirically examining the Korean unionists' solidarity using the survey of 476 full-time workers employed at the unionized workplace. It also questions the determinants affecting the unionist' willingness to be united with the contingent workers. The Korean unionism has faced the biggest challenge, that is, the crisis-in-worker solidarity. Although prior literature has noted the crisis in Korean unionism, it lacks a solid investigation of individual workers' perception of solidarity which may play a key role in building up worker-solidarity in the union movement. This study first examines the three sources of solidarity allowing for the historical and theoretical approach to the modern solidarity; economic interests, worker-identification and empathy, which provide an emprical framework for this study. The empirical evidences shows dynamic aspects as of how the full-timers perceive solidarity with the non-regular workers in the three terms of solidarity. First, full-time unionists share rare willingness to be united with contingent workers in terms of economic solidarity. In addition, the KCTU (Korean Confederation of Trade Unions) with social reformative orientation has little influence on increasing their member's orientation towards solidarity. Second, it is found that full-time unionists have more willingness to identify themselves with the non-regular workers as a member of the labor class. The KTCU is also positively associated with their member's will of identification with contingent workers. Third, the unionists, however, show little empathy toward non-regular workers, which is contrast to the willingness to worker identification. No causality is also found between the KTCU and their members' empathy for the others.

• 월간산업보건
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• s.386
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• pp.49-53
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• 2020

「중대재해기업처벌법」 제정운동이 시작된 지 15년이 흘렀다. 그동안 눈에 띄는 긍정적인 변화가 많았지만 한편으로는 아쉬운 부분도 있었다. 지난 4월 27일, 각계 전문가들이 모여 「중대재해기업처벌법」 제정운동을 평가하고 전망하는 시간을 가졌다.

• Journal of the Korea Construction Safety Engineering Association
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• s.23
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• pp.86-91
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• 1997

노동부 ‘97. 산업재해감소 목표재해율 0.74%. 사망만인율 1.99 달성을 위해 산업안전선진화 3개년 계획을 수립하고 사업장의 자율안전관리 정착, 산재취약부문 중점관리 안전문화운동 확산 등에 주력하기로 하였다. 이러한 노동부의 ‘97. 산업안전보건업무 추진 세부계획에 대하여 알아보기로 한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.152-176
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• 2014

Public opinion has dramatically shifted from positive to negative in Korea society especially since the IMF crisis. Such terms as 'aristocratic union', 'collectivism', 'damages on public interest' became a kind of conventional wisdom. Undoubtedly, media's representation has much to do with such a tantamount difference. This study thus attempts to understand the mechanism by analyzing media discourse related to labor strikes. For this purpose, this paper made a choice three cases including doctor-pharmacist dispute, general strike by truckers' solidarity, and Ssangyong Motor's strike. Total 217 editorial pieces of , and conceived to be a representative newspaper of ideological stance were analyzed. Research showed that while paying particular attention to demoralizing labor strikes, shed positive light on such disputes by articulating fundamental causes hampered by pro-capital policies along with anti-labor law enforcement. The believed to be relatively a neutral one showed ambivalent attitudes toward those cases. More favorable and inclusive reporting were found in accordance with policy shifts as well. Media's selective partisanship for the sake of private interests is firmly believed to downgrading credibility on Korean journalism. Also is fair, balanced and less biased reporting over socal disputes a vital part in crystallizing social consensus. In this consideration, the authors hoped this study to provide an opportunity to contemplate on what would be desirable journalistic values in modern democracy.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

Now labour policy of Moon Jae-in Administration is very different from the labour reform politics of the past ages in its structural conditions. Especially the difference is in the fact that the new labour policy is originated from the Candlelight Revolution in 2016 which has resisted to the 20years-long neoliberal domination. This kind of change in the political situation made a optimistic prediction with regard to the possibility of successful labour reform. However the future is in many points so uncertain that we could not confirm the success of labour reform at all. The uncertainty always resides in the structural unbalance between labour movement power and capitalist state power bloc in Korea. In this sense strategical orientation and practices of the democratic labour movement(KCTU) are very critical to produce some positive outcomes.

• The Safety technology
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• no.179
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• pp.24-25
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• 2012

신계륜 국회 환경노동위원회 위원장은 자타가 공인하는 환경노동 전문가로 꼽힌다. 이는 그의 지난 활동들을 들여다보면 쉽게 파악할 수 있다. 신 위원장은 1980년대부터 10여 년간 산업현장을 직접 누비며 노동 인권 운동에 앞장서 왔다. 이후 그는 1992년 14대 국회에서 입성한 후 환경노동위원회에 몸을 담으면서 근로자들의 안전을 위한 활동을 시작했다. 또 16대 국회에서는 현장중심의 의정활동을 본격적으로 펼쳐 나갔다. 당시 환노위 법안심사소위원장 재임시절에 노동계와 재계의 합의를 이끌어 내면서 주5일 근무제를 도입시킨 것이 대표적이 예라고 할 수 있다. 그리고 19대 국회에서는 그동안의 환경노동 관련 경험을 인정받아 전반기 환경노동위원회 위원장에 선임됐다. 이처럼 그는 환경노동 분야에서 잔뼈가 굵은 전문가 중에 전문가라고 할 수 있다. 그만큼 신 위원장의 의정활동에는 많은 이들의 시선이 집중되는 것이다. 이에 신계륜 환노위 위원장을 만나 앞으로의 계획과 우리나라 산업안전문화에 대해 여러 이야기를 나눠봤다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.20
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• pp.77-114
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• 2009

The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. First, there is no good records management regulation. At this research, I found it that most regulations of the labor unions were all the same. I think they have been copied a kind of one of originality. Second, the definition of records were very narrow, like documentary evidence. Third, the classification, filing, disposal regulations are the below level of the public institution in 1970s. Fourth, there are no standards of the records scheduling for the labor records. What kind of labor records have the historical values? I could not find, only the documentary evidence value. So, I think The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. I investigated the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA. There were many kind of records. For example, the records of regional labor unions also central labor unions, pamphlets, journals, photos, personal records, oral history, organizational records like protocols article of associations internal rules, minute books etc. Like this the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA are very various. But our actual conditions of the labor unions is far from that. Rather, we just have tried collected records for publishing the white papers. But this habitual practice would not be desirable. Because they must manage the records from the producing time. Mostly, 'laborer history HANNAE' were organised, and they are trying the collecting and management of the labor records. Also They are trying the computerizing, compilation. 'HANNAE' has the condition for the transformation of the labor archives. But if they want to be really, they must make the records management infra and so, should normalize the record management firstly. For example, They must be keep the standardized records management regulations, records scheduling redesigned. the developing standard model for the records management. And they have the vision for the hub of the labor archives. When coming to this, it will be realized the labor archives Now the records for the working class are disappearing. The managing the records for the labor is another labor movement. All together should join it. But I think the supporting of the archival science research colleagues will be the essential part.