• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.201-229
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• 2008

본 논문에서는 노동자문화정치의 관점에서 파업을 새롭게 정의하고, 파업을 비롯한 노동자 문화실천의 정치적 효과를 분석하기 위한 방법론적 요소들을 검토하였다. 여기서 파업은 참여주체들의 다양한 사고와 합리성들을 중심으로 형성되고 확장되는 내재적인 정치의 장인 동시에, 다양한 기표적 실천들이 전개되는 문화정치의 장으로 정의되었다. 파업의 발생과 전개의 각 과정과 국면에 대한 문화정치적 분석 요소로서 장소성, 공간, 시간, 정서, 기호자원, 담론이 고려되었고, 이 요소들에 초점을 두고 민주노조 파업에서 드러나는 문화정치적 제약들을 H사 노조 사례를 통해 검토하였다. 문화정치적 제약들은 노동자 문화의 생산과 수용에서의 제약으로 드러난다. 노동자문화 관련 텍스트들의 분석과 조사 자료를 통해서 볼 때, 그것들은 첫째로 노동자 문화 활동가들의 생산 실천 상의 제약과 관련있고, 둘째로, 노동자 대중의 노동자 문화 수용 혹은 소비에서의 도구성과 시 공간 상의 제약과 관련있는 것을 확인했다. 본 논문은 이러한 제약들이 70년대 이후에서 90년대 전반에 이르는 시기와는 달리, 현 시기 노동운동의 문화적 자원들이 신기술과 사회문화적 변화에 걸맞게 변화 확장되지 못하고 오히려 축소된 데 기인한다고 추론하였다. 따라서 지속적인 운동의 조건과 기반을 능동적으로 조성하기 위해서는, 파업을 비롯한 노동자 문화의 생산과 수용 전반에 걸쳐서 작용하는 재현체계 상의 제약, 특히 기호자원의 한계라는 근본적인 제약을 넘어서기 위한 노동자 문화정치의 필요성이 제안되었으며, 문화실천에 몸담고 있는 문화활동가나 노조활동가들이 파업과 일상 활동 속에서 문화정치적 주제들을 찾아 이론화하고 정책에 반영하는 문화활동 방안이 제안되었다.

• Proceedings of the KHMA Conference
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• 2005.11a
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• pp.103-120
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• 2005

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.182-196
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• 2007

EU has pursued of the economic growth and the promotion of jobs by a free movement of workers. The free labour mobility brings a sustainable economic development through the creating jobs and the acquisition of a new knowledge and technology, but it also produces the geographical unequality of the movement of workers. And the enlargement of the EU redistributes geographically the flow of labour mobility. The flow of labour movement within EU changes to the structure of mobility that moves from the North to the North instead of the movement from the South to the North as an economic development in the South and an economic transformation to the service and hightech industry in the North. The mobility of unskilled workers has diminished, but the mobility of expert workers has increased. The flow of labour movement within EU has a structure hierarchic that the experts labour move from the North to the North, and the unskilled labour move from the South to the North and from the northern Africa to the South of Europe.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.61-94
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• 2018

While the unionization of contingent workers is at a standstill, the newly emerging peripheral workers' representation mechanism is CSO(Civil Society Organization). Unlike trade union's representation based on coercive collective bargaining and agreements CSO represents the interests of marginal workers through counseling, advocacy, public relations, and education. In the case of Korea, since the 2000s, labor CSOs, called "contingent centers", have started to spread. As a result of the survey, contingent centers which are contracted out by local governments show the possibility that the representation activities are restricted, because most of their resources are covered from the local government. This is because CSOs have limitations due to a dilemma in the process of representing funders and the represented. Nevertheless, the contingent workers' CSO in Korea shows the possibility of supplementing and supporting the role of trade unions' representation. In this regard, through the solidarity of trade unions and CSOs, it will be possible to expand the representation of unorganized and contingent workers in Korean society.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.147-174
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• 2007

This study examines how path dependency of working poor labor market segmented from the primary and the secondary labor market affects employment and quality of employment of working poor. It Further examines how path dependency makes working poor to remain in the labor market and makes it difficult for them to escape from a vicious poverty cycle. Data is based on the $3{\sim}7th$ Korea Labor and Income Panel Study(KLIPS). Markov's transition probability and discrete-time hazard analysis are used for analysis. This study finds that Korea labor market is divided into three parts; the primary labor market, the secondary labor market and the working poor labor market. The proportion of employed poor has been reduced, but the proportion of non economically-active working poor has been increased and has become the main group among the working poor. This shows that labor demand of working poor is fundamentally lacking and there are structural barriers that block working poor's employment itself. The regression analysis shows that the longer working poor labor market participation is, the lower poverty-exit rate. This is an evidence of vicious poverty cycle that the poor have little chance to exit from working poor labor market, once they step into it. Therefore, the longer their participation in poor labor market, the more likely they would move only within the closed working poor labor market. Consequently, it is necessary to fundamentally reform labor market structure and to alleviate negative perception and discrimination about the poor labor while activating labor demand.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.247-291
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• 2018

This study investigates the employment structure and the social safety net experience of the subcontracting cleaning workers in Korea, who have been main targets of the labor outsourcing despite the necessity and permanence of their labour. This study specifically focuses on the fact that these subcontracting cleaning workers are mostly female and in their old age, and analyzes how the combination of their age, gender, and employment structure leads to the (mis)match with the Korean social security system. Case study with in-dept interview method has been conducted to the old-aged female subcontracting cleaning workers in Korea. The result of this study is as follows. It was the income insecurity that led them to (re)enter the labour market, and the cleaning work was the almost the only wage work they could do considering their age and gender. Cleaning workers are mostly employed in the subcontracting company, and thus their labour contracts depend on the business contract period between the original and subcontracting company. Consequently, their employment relationship is mostly insecure unless they are guaranteed employment succession through the collective agreement of trade union. Moreover, it has been discovered that the employment insecurity due to the indirect employment relationship led to the poor labour conditions, low wage, and the exclusion from the social safety net.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.33-48
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• 2012

Over the last decades, the issue of work or labor has played a critical role in prevailing discourses to represent the changed economic reality. Aesthetic labor, cultural work, network labor, team-work and alike, have played a dazzling role to represent the emerging economic order, employing the word of labor. Certainly, it is not less than a part of a wide range of shifts in order to make capital work with more effect by making up a workable and governable subject. In this article, I try to examine shifts around the media work which has contributed to expand the new discourse of 'labor.' I will say that it is quite crucial for accounting for the reality of media work to shed light on moves to represent media work, and, among others, one to transform the subjectivity involved in it among others. Furthermore, it would be necessary to take a close look at the subjectivity of media work and its modification to deal with and eliminate the precariousness of media work. Saying about media work without paying any attention to heterogenous and various practices to compose a media work, one is forced to regard media work as the matter of economic and legal interests. In addition, it would bring about that the cultural political concerns of media work will be detached from critical sight of the media cultural studies. Referring to major studies around media work in critical media studies, cultural studies and political economy of communication, this article will briefly look into the arrangement of contentions around subjectivity of media work in South Korea. And it will try to suggest what cultural-political strategy we need to investigate, fighting against the hegemonic power to generate and regulate media work and its workers in precarious conditions. It does not intend to search the media work and its complicated realities in detail in South Korea. I wish that it would make a preliminary step to propose and elaborate the critical analysis of media work and its form of subjectivities.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

This paper estimates the union effect on the wages using Korean Labor and Income Panel Study by using fixed-effect estimation. While the cross-sectional estimates show the size of 4.6% increase in the wages of workers in the union compared 10 the observationally identical workers in the non-union jobs, the union wage effect is estimated as 2.1% increase in the panel study. This shows that there exits an substantial upward-bias in the cross-sectional estimation of union wage effect.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.57-75
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• 2009

This paper provides empirical evidence on the impact of SCHIP (The State Children's Health Insurance Program) on single mothers' working decisions using recent CPS (Current Population Survey) data during 1999-2005. SCHIP are found to have a significant positive impact on hours-worked decision.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.64
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• pp.5-25
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• 2020

The archives should not document the absence of labor records, but document the traces of workers' lives. In other words, it is the responsibility of the archive to reproduce the acts and sufferings of contingent workers with records, and to reveal the oppressive structure of capitalism based on them. Records representing the lives of contingent workers, such as labor manuals, should be at the core of records that symbolize the present, and archives should be documented. The archives should discard the illusion of neutrality.