• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.377-390
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• 1995

This study was to investigate the consumption pattern and nutrition knowledge about vegetables of 184 housewives attending the school of adult and continuing education attached to DukSung Women's University. The results were summarized as follows; the average vegetable expenses were $10,000{\sim}20,000$ won per week. The frequency of purchasing vegetables was $2{\sim}3$ times a week. Respondents usually bought the vegetables at local markets and supermarkets. As for buying vegetables, all of respondents kept in mind all the time the organic vegetables were better. The price was the most important factor of their purchase in the low income households. In the family, the vegetable dishes were favored by housewives most and by sons least. Among the vegetable cooking methods, Kimchi was the most frequently used and salad was the least. Forty four percent of the respondents experienced purchasing ready made vegetable dishes in the market. The reason they bought ready made ones was the special taste of the dishes. The rest of respondents never bought cooked vegetable dishes because they thought the dishes unsanitary. Twenty seven percent of the respondents experienced purchasing. The reason for not purchasing Kimchi was the housewives' traditional prejudice of buying Kimchi in the market. Respondents have a considerable knowledge that 42 kinds of vegetables could be good for certain disease and 10 kinds of vegetables might be harmful for certain disease.

• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.26 no.5
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• pp.57-70
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• 2009

Objectives: This purpose of this study was to make clear the fitness to data of the causality model related to father's child-rearing participation in a double-income household. Methods: Subjects of this survey consisted of the fathers of 2,006 households that use 21 day-care centers and 4 kindergartens whose cooperation was received via the city government departments that have jurisdiction over day-care centers and kindergartens in cities A and B in prefecture I and in city C in prefecture II (city A: 499 households; city B: 1,113 households; city C: 988 households). The surveyed items consisted of the father's age, the father's educational history, the number of children, the age of the youngest child, the father's parental-role awareness, the father's daily working hours, the father's return-home time, and child-rearing participation by the father. Results: The fit indices were found to be CFI = 0.912, GFI = 0.948, and RMSEA = 0.082. Regarding the path coefficients, the path coefficient of the pathway from the age of the youngest child to the father's parent positivity (0.08) and the path coefficient of the pathway from the father's parent positivity to child-rearing participation (0.19) were both at statistically significant levels. Also, the father's return-home time and the working hours, which were considered as disincentives exhibited a direct effect on child-rearing participation without being influenced by the father's parent positivity or parent negativity. The path coefficient of the pathway from return-home time to child-rearing participation was -0.43, and the path coefficient of the pathway from working hours to child-rearing participation was -0.13. The value of the path coefficient expressing the relationship between the return-home time and working hours was 0.80. Conclusion: Authors infered that it'll be the basic material to build a generation mechanism about vanity and father's child-rearing participation appropriately as a result of this research.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.21-30
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• 1977

Japanese larch (Larix leptolepis) is one of main timber species in Korea that could find much plantation and growing stands on all over the country. It is thought to be in meaningful that a guiding diagram for density control of Japanese larch stands is made to estimate easily the density conditions in the quantitaive, ecological and economic viewpoint. Sample plots for this study are selected from the stands that have not been thinned in recent years, and mean height, mean diameter, dominant height, tree numbers per hectare and stem volume of mean tree are calculated from the each sample plots among total 165 plots In this study, especially, the theory of slenderness of mean tree are applied, that have been identified through the results of the spacing trial. Relative growth characteristics of this species are calculated from the general logistic curve and its formula is $Y=ax^b$. Relatwion between the measured items are found out as follows: 1. Relation between the mean height and tree numbers per hectare by slender class is showing the high correlation as table 1 and fig. 2, and between mean diameter and tree numbers per hectare is also high correlation as table 1 and fig 3. 2. The stem volume can be correctly estimated from height in case that slender class may be known, as showing in table 3 and fig. 4. 3. The stem volume can be more correctly estimated from the relation with $D^2H$ as formula, $Log_e\;V=0.9569\;Log_eD^2H-9.8431$, and relation between stem volume of single tree or volume per hectare and tree numbers per hectare are as following formulas: $Log_e$ stem volume=9.5026-1.6800 $Log_e$ tree numbers per hectare $Log_e$ stem volume per hectare=9.4911-0.6784 $Log_e$ tree numbers per hectare. Stem volume of mean tree, tree numbers per hectare and stem volume per hectare correspond to the mean tree height are calculated to slender class as table 5, 6, 7. Through the above steps, the diagram for density control of Japanese larch are produced as fig. 9. It is thought that this diagram could be applied to control the density of Japanese larch stands.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.37 no.5
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• pp.215-226
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• 2019

This study analyzed the healing effect of the design elements of healing environment from the perspective of environmental stress, which is one of the contents of environmental psychology. By examining the objective healing effects of the design elements of the healing environment, this study attempted to prepare a theoretical basis for contributing to the construction of a systematic and systematic healing environment. This study consists of three phases. Firstly, three environmental stress theories (Attention Recovery Theory, Evolutionary Psychology, and Environmental Stress Model) were examined to review the academic basis of which the theoretical concept of the healing environment has been derived and developed. Second, we analyzed 16 previous research on the design elements of healing environment and used them as an analysis framework of this study. Thirdly, 11 foreign studies that proved the healing effects of healing environment design elements through objective research methods were considered and analyzed as an analysis framework, and the basis for applying design elements in constructing healing environment was prepared. The research results are as follows. First, the concept of healing environment was developed from Lazarus's psychological stress theory and Ulrich's theory of evolutionary psychology, suggesting that it can be used as one of the noninvasive healing tools that affect stress reduction. Second, the healing environment design elements could be divided into 15 factors and categorized as physical environment, psychological environment, and social environment, and it was found that most of them were mentioned and studied in the previous research in order of nature-friendly, aesthetic, and openness. Third, most of the previous research on the healing effects of the design elements of the healing environment were related to natural affinity and aesthetics, and it was found that the visual elements of the healing environment could affect the actual stress reduction.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.205-216
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• 2019

Today, there have been more museums with architectural freeform structure. From an academic perspective, that caused a change in the paradigm of the genealogy of architectural forms. Accordingly, it has been required to find whether the freeform architecture influences an exhibition space. Therefore, in order to analyze the correlation between freeform architecture and exhibition space, this study looks into the tendency of actual freeform architecture through case analysis after 2000. An exhibition space of museum serves as a socially, culturally, and locally symbolic icon and has the function of delivering information to viewers through the aesthetic presentation of articles on exhibition. This study is meaningful in the point that it drew the conclusion of the correlation between freeform architecture and exhibition space in order to infer that a freeform exhibition space is more effective at viewers' spatial experience. The method and results of this study are presented as follows: Firstly, literature survey on the concept of the freerform architecture of museum and the classification of architectural forms was conducted and previous studies were analyzed in order to establish criteria. Secondly, a case study was conducted through visits to Singapore, Germany, and the Netherlands in order to look into the current state and characteristics of freeform architecture and exhibition space. In this case, Karel Vollers' architectural freeform criteria were used for analysis. Thirdly, to prove the correlation between freeform architecture and exhibition space, each case was cross-checked on the basis of Karel Vollers' architectural freeform criteria and freeform exhibition classification, and then results were drawn. The study results are presented as follows: Firstly, EX(angle, ortho) of freeform architecture had a significant correlation with the diagonal form of exhibition space. That was proved 92.3% accurately more in the Netherlands and Germany than in Singapore. However, the curve form of exhibition space had a unclear correlation. In Singapore case, the curve form correlation was made through RO, FR, and TW. Secondly, freeform architecture had complex-typed combination with the diagonal and curve forms of exhibition space. In particular, N-02 and G-02 had a combination form, basically EX, and partially various forms so as to induce the complexity of free form. As such, architectural freeform makes it possible to achieve infinite transformation in various combinations. For responses, combinational approaches are required in multilateral ways. Based on this study, it will be planned to analyze the correlation between freeform architecture of museum and exhibition presentation.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.167-203
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• 2017

In this paper I will investigate the problems of the Ego of Kant, Husserl and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ from the standpoint of $trisvabh{\bar{a}}va$ and the transformation of the basis of $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$. Kant's Copernican revolution and Husserl's Phenomenological reduction are the keys to understanding their philosophies. We especially want to look into the comparison between the Ego of Kant, Husserl and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$. According to Kant, we need the transcendental Ego as absolute in order to unite consciousness. Kant criticizes traditional metaphysics which had argued that the metaphysicians regard the transcendental Ego as substance. If they regard the transcendental Ego as an empirical object, this attempt will be in vain, because they seek to know unknown things. Husserl's phenomenological reduction is properly understood as a method designed to transform a philosopher into a phenomenologist by virtue of the attainment of a certain perspective on the world phenomenon. We will find the field of the transcendental, absolute ego through phenomenological reduction. Transcendental, absolute ego constitutes our whole world and gives meaning to the world. $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ argues that what our ordinary consciousness (the sixth consciousness) regards subjectivity and objectivity as separate, or that self and the world is an imagination that $alaya-vij{\tilde{n}}ana$, the mind more profound than the ordinary consciousness, created. $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra^{\prime}s$ $alaya-vij{\tilde{n}}ana$ creates the whole objects and the consciousness (the sixth), so we must regard them as illusionary. $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ insists that there are three natures of mind and we attain the transformation of the basis in mind. Based on this point of view, Kant, Husserl and $Yog{\bar{a}}c{\bar{a}}ra$ want to transcend and overcome the limits of the ordinary consciousness, and then they want to find the absolute truth (everything) and want to be a men of freedom.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.80-99
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• 2018

In premodern society, the central spaces in local counties were known as Eupchi (邑治), in which Gwan-a (官衙). The Eupchi located in seaside counties were in Eupseong, whereas the Eupchi of inland counties only included a Gwan-a, and did not have a fortress. Yanggeun-gun (楊根郡) and Jipyeonghyeon (砥平縣), which currently form Yangpyeong-gun (楊平郡), were counties where only Gwan-a existed. At present, there are few traces of the Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong. In addition, it is impossible to exactly verify the history, scale and location of these two Gwan-as. Therefore, this study attempts to make a rough estimation of the histories, scales and sites of these Gwan-a by analyzing the relevant literature and ancient maps that are scattered according to the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a. The Yanggeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a appear to have been built in the early Joseon period. There are three reasons for this assertion: First, in Yanggeun and Jipyeong, Suryeong (守令) were first officially appointed after the early Joseon period. Once Suryoeng were appointed to such counties, the Gwan-a in which they would serve could be established. Second, the Dongheon (東軒) in Yanggengun and the Gaeksa (客舍) in Jipyeonghyeon were rebuilt in 1703 (29th year of the reign of King Sukjong) and 1465 (11th year of the reign of King Sejo), respectively; thus; the Gwan-a must have existed since the early Joseon period.. Third, in Yanggeungun, the Hyanggyo (鄕校) had existed since the early Joseon period, as the Joseon government necessarily established the Hyanggyo in areas where Suryeong were established. The facilities of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period were largely divided into gonghae (公?), educational institutes, and alters. The gonghae was a facility in which the Suryeong and Gwanwon (官員) managed administrative, judicial and military affairs, and consisted of the A-sa (衙舍), Hyeongcheong (鄕廳), Jackcheong (作廳), Gaeksa (客舍), Gungwancheon (軍官廳), and so on. The education institute was called a Hyeonggyo, while alters included the Sajikdan (社稷壇), Seonghwansa (城隍祠) and Yeodan (?壇). Both the Yeongeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a also consisted of such facilities as A-sa, Hyangcheong, Jakcheong, Gaeksa, Gungwancheong, Hyeonggyo, Changgo, Sajikdan, Seonghwangsa, Yeodan, Saryeongcheong, Jiincheong and Gwannocheong. The present sites for both Gwan-as cannot be identified with any certitude. However, they can be roughly identified by connecting the related literatures, oral statements and relics with the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period. ${\bullet}$ Address of the Yanggeun A-sa (Dongheon): the whole of # 15, Gwanmun 1-gil, Yangpyeong-eup (Yanggeun-ri 151) in front of Yanggeun Junior High School at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Yanggeun Gaeksa: around the Yangpyeong police station at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong A-sa(Dongheon): the whole of Jipyeong-ri 248-250, Jipyeong-myeon at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong Gaeksa: the whole of Jipyeong-ri 238, Jipyeong-myeon at present.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.243-266
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• 2004

This paper is based on fieldwork conducted from July 6, 2003 to July 24 of 2003 among the Tungusgroups Hezhe, Daur, Oloqun, Owenke, and Mongolian in the areas of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia Provinces. Recognizing the need for more in-depth study among these groups, the present research shows that the Tungus people are archeologically, historically, and linguistically different from Korean Han ethnic group and challenges the link between Korean and Tungus groups since the Bronze Age. The comparison between the "House Spirit" belief of the Tungus people and Koreans reveals certain commonalities in the "Maru," "Kitchen," and "Samshin Spirit" practices. There are two possible reasons for such commonalities. Historically, the Korean Han ethnic group and the Tungus people were geographically intimate, and contact or transmission between the two groups occurred naturally. Also, immigration of refugees from the fallen Koguryo and Puyo to the Tungus region added another dimension of cultural contact. In contrast to the common features shared between the two groups, there also exists differences between the two groups House Spirit blief. The Korean Han group's "House Spirit" belief is based on the agricultural practices that separates the inside sacred and outside secular world of the houses, whereas the Tungus ethnic group's "House Spirit" belief is based on mobile herding life style with a less distinction between in and outside of house. Additionally, each Korean "House Spirit" has its own distinctive personality, and each spirit is placed and worshipped according to its function. In the Tungus group, all the "House Spirits" are located and worshipped in "malu," and some of the spirits are non-conventional house spirits. Moreover, Korean "House Spirits" form a kinship structure, placing Songju, the highest spirit, at the center. In the Tungus practice, such structure is not found. The tight cohesive family formation among the house spirits in the Korean "House Spirit" belief is also the most distinctive feature in its comparison with Chinese belief. In China, the highest spirit is Jiang Taigong or Qiwu, and the house spirits do not have kinship relations. Korean's Outhouse Spirit and Chowangshin are related to the Han Chinese's counterpart on certain levels? however, their basic structures are different. It is clear that the correlation of "Malu" "Chowangshin" and "Samshin" between Korea and Tungus indicate important role of Tungus cultural elements within Korea's "House Spirit" belief.

• The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.163-207
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• 2020

Korea has been positioned as the leading country in the industry of clinical trials as the clinical trail of Korea has developed for the recent 10 years. Clinical trial has plays a significant role in the development of medicine and the increase of curability. However, it has inevitable risk as the purpose of the clinical trial is to prove the safety and effectiveness of new drugs. Therefore, the clinical trial should be controlled properly to protect the health of the subjects of clinical trial and to ensure that they exercise a right of self-determination. In this context, the fiduciary duties of doctors who conduct clinical trials is especially important. The Pharmaceutical Affairs Act and the relevant regulations define several duties of doctors who conduct clinical trials. In particular, the duty to protection of subjects and the duty to provide information constitute the main fiduciary duties to the subjects. Those are essentially similar to the fiduciary duties of doctors in usual treatment from the perspective of the values promoted by the law and the content of the law. Nonetheless, clinical trials put more emphasis on the duties to provide explanation than in usual treatment. Further research and study are required to establish the concrete standard for the duty of care. However, if the blind pursuit of higher standards for the duty of care or to pass the burden of proof to doctors may result in disrupting the development of clinical trials, limiting the accessibility of patients to new treatment and even violating the principle of sharing damage equally and properly. In addition to these duties, the laws of clinical trials define several duties of doctors. Any decision on whether the violation of the law constitutes the violation of the fiduciary duty and justifies the demand for compensation of damages should be based on whether relevant law aims to protect the safety and benefit of subjects, even if in an incidental way, the degree to which such violation breaches the values promoted by the law and the concrete of violation of benefit of law, the detailed acts of such violation. The legal interests of the subjects can be protected effectively by guaranteeing compliance with those duties and establishing judicial and administrative controls to ensure that the benefit of subjects are protected properly in individual cases.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2020

An assumption can be made that, as a start point for the recognition and utilization of cultural heritage, the "choice" of such would reflect the cultural ideology of the ruling power at that time. This has finally been proved by the case of Korea in the 20th century. First, in the late Korean Empire (1901-1910), the prevailing cultural ideology had been inherited from the Joseon Dynasty. The main objects that the Joseon Dynasty tried to protect were royal tombs and archives. During this time, an investigation by the Japanese into Korean historic sites began in earnest. Stung by this, enlightened intellectuals attempted to recognize them as constituting independent cultural heritage, but these attempts failed to be institutionalized. During the 1910-1945 Japanese occupation, the Japanese led investigations to institutionalize Korean cultural heritage, which formed the beginning of the current cultural heritage management system. At that time, the historical investigation, designation, protection, and enhancement activities led by the Japanese Government-General of Korea not only rationalized their colonial occupation of Korea but also illustrated their colonial perspective. Korean nationalists processed the campaign for the love of historical remains on an enlightening level, but they had their limits in that the campaign had been based on the outcome of research planned by the Japanese. During the 1945-2000 period following liberation from Japan, cultural heritage restoration projects took places that were based on nationalist ideology. People intended to consolidate the regime's legitimacy through these projects, and the enactment of the 'Cultural Heritage Charter' in 1997 represented an ideology in itself that stretched beyond a means of promoting nationalist ideology. During the past 20 centuries, cultural heritage content changed depending on the whims of those with political power. Such choices reflected the cultural ideology that the powers at any given time held with regard to cultural heritage. In the background of this cultural heritage choice mechanism, there have been working trade-off relationships formed between terminology and society, as well as the ideological characteristics of collective memories. The ruling party has tried to implant their ideology on their subjects, and we could consider that it wanted to achieve this by being involved in collective memories related to traditional culture, so called-choice, and utilization of cultural heritage.